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The Auschwitz open air incineration photographs as evidence for mass extermination

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The Auschwitz open air cremation photographs (both the Sonderkommando ground photos as well as the aerial photographs) are examined if they provide evidence for mass extermination in Auschwitz-Birkenau - without resorting to testimonial evidence. The non-incriminating Revisionist interpretation of the photographs is discussed and checked against the available evidence.


Sonderkommando ground photographs

The two ground photographs taken secretly by the Jewish Sonderkommando in the second half of August 1944 (Auschwitz State Museum, neg. no. 280 and 281, for a discussion of their authenticity see The Auschwitz open air incineration ground photographs and Revisionist forgery allegations) are showing heavy smoke, naked corpses and prisoners dragging corpses towards the bonfire in the backyard of crematorium 5 in Auschwitz-Birkenau. The scene is strong evidence of open air mass cremation taking place. 

Smoke is covering the ground and the actual pyre is not visible, suggesting it it is actually located in a pit - a detail which is, by the way, corroborating numerous eyewitness accounts on the cremation of corpses in trenches in Auschwitz-Birkenau.

The extent of smoke indicates a pyre length of several meters and a capacity of at least 25 corpses. Minimum stacking height (one layer) and pyre width (1.8 m) have been assumed. Of course, a higher stacking (e.g. six layers) and a wider pyre (e.g. 6 m) would greatly increase the capacity (e.g. 450 corpses), but this cannot be deduced from the photograph alone.

In addition, there are at least some 20 corpses in front of the cremation site (Carlo Mattogno estimated the figure as 30 to 40 in Auschwitz - Open Air Incinerations [AOAI] p. 38, John Zimmerman counted about 50 cadavers). The extent of body disposal was thus at least at the order of many dozens of corpses.

According to Mattogno, from "fragmentary documents [it] results that some 800 inmates died at Birkenau in May 1944, but the real figure was probably twice as high" (AOAI, p. 78), though he does not provide a reference for how he arrived to these estimations. The daily death toll was then 25 to 50 prisoners per day in summer 1944, if we believe and generalize this figure. The number of corpses per day would be somewhat higher when including Auschwitz main camp and Monowitz. At least the minimum estimation of activity visible on the Sonderkommando photographs appears compatible with the disposal of the daily corpses of the inmates of Auschwitz.

But there is another thing to be considered here. Auschwitz-Birkenau was equipped with four crematoria with a cremation capacity of some 2400 - 4400 corpses per day and a morgue area of more than 2000 m² with a capacity of 2000 corpses (assuming 1 m² storage area per corpse). Thus, the crematoria were in principle - if in full operation - capable to dispose on a single day the deaths among the Birkenau "natural deaths" of a period of 1 to 4 months and could store corpses accumulated over more than a month. Already a single three muffle oven was able to cope with the daily deaths among the inmates.

Now, these figures indicate that it would have been necessary for the camp administration to fall back on the out-of-favour open air cremations (previously carried out in autumn-winter 1942/1943) onlyif there was a breakdown of all crematoria for several weeks. A complete breakdown for several days only could have been easily compensated by the available morgues in the crematoria buildings.

Aerial photographs

The aerial photographs indicate open air cremation in the backyard of crematorium 5 on 31 May, 8 July, 20 and 23 August 1944 (close ups from Mattogno, AOAI). Hence, the simultaneous breakdown of all crematoria in Auschwitz had virtually to extend over 4 months. This scenario is not impossible per se, but quite unlikely and then Revisionists would also face the dilemma that a simultaneous failure of the crematoria would largely fit into the picture of excessive use of the ovens rather then to their own hypothesis of only cremation of the "natural deaths" among the inmates.

The available documentary evidence from the central construction office refers to some maintenance and repair work at the crematoria in the period in question (on the flues/chimneys and oven doors, see AOAI, p. 65), but does not indicate a simultaneous and prolonged breakdown of all facilities.

The development of the crematoria personnel (318 prisoners on 15 May, 903 on 29 July and 874 on 29 August 1944) is further evidence against the hypothesis that the crematoria were largely idle in summer 44 with only incineration of registered prisoners taking place in the backyard of crematorium 5, but speaks for heavy activity at these sites (a discussion of the labour force reports on the crematoria staff and Revisionist arguments will deserve a separate blog posting).

The issue whether some crematoria were active in the period can finally also be addressed by examining the aerial photographs of the buildings. It should be noted first that Mattogno's argument that "absence of any smoke rising from the chimneys of a crematorium is proof of its inactivity" (AOAI, p. 65) is highly questionable. For one thing, Mattogno did not address whether any smoke from the chimnies observable from a person on the ground standing close to the crematorium would also necessarily be detectable on the aerial photographs taken from high altitude, some in rather poor quality actually.

Secondly, even if a chimney of a crematorium did not smoke at the minute or at the hour the photograph was taken, this says little about its activity the hour earlier or later and if it was functional or not. The photograph is only a snapshot providing limited information on the time scale. One is grossly overestimating the information value of the photographs if interpreting absence of smoke as evidence of inactivity of the crematorium at the whole day (and night) or even as evidence for a breakdown, which is what Mattogno has implicitly done in his reasoning in AOAI.

On the other hand, the presence of smoke from the chimneys is strong evidence for functioning crematoria and even under reduced load or with reduced number of ovens they should have been capable to dispose the "natural deaths" among the inmates.

The chimney of crematorium 2 is kind of glowing on the aerial photograph of 31 May 1944. Note that the light spot is way too bright to be explained by reflection of the chimney brick, which can be actually seen vaguely next to it.

Therefore, at least one big crematorium was in operation on 31 May, yet the camp administration thought to burn corpses on a pyre in the open. Accordingly, the number of corpses piled up in Auschwitz had to exceed the "natural deaths" among the inmates by a large factor on these days in order to explain why open air cremation was carried out despite a functioning and operating crematorium. Such an excessive increase in the death toll can be reasonable explained by mass extermination.

In a previous version of this blog posting, I also argued that the 20 August 1944 photograph would show a smoking crematorium 3 chimney. This conclusion was based on the analysis of Carlo Mattogno in AOAI, which I did not thought to rigorously check since the interpretation is actually not in favour of Mattogno's own hypothesis. In the mean time, a Revisionist who goes by the name "Bob" pointed out that the feature assigned as smoke is actually an artifact.

It is noteworthy that Mattogno believed that crematorium 3 was active on the 20 August 1944 photograph, but he did not realize how the simultanous operation of crematorium 3 and the open air pyre at crematorium 5 entirely undermines his hypothesis the latter was implemented for "insignificant and sporadic cremation of registered detainees" (AOAI, p. 68).

Instead, he argued that "the outdoor fire could...not have any criminal character", because Auschwitz historian Danuta Czech did not note any transport for extermination on this day. The argument assumed that Czech's Kalendarium is complete with respect to transports from the ghetto Lodz to Auschwitz, which took place at the time on a large scale. The assumption is naive at best but Mattogno definitely should have known better.

As a matter of fact, he was well aware that Czech's entries for transports from Lodz are based on a list of registered male prisoners. The emphasis is on "registered" and "male". Thus, any transport, which was entirely liquidated (a case Mattogno has take into account here for the sake of argument) or which was sent into the transit camp without registration or from which only women were registered or - most likely - a combination of liquidation, transit prisoners, registered female prisoners, was not recorded in the list and did not end up in the Kalendarium.

Actually, a more complete list of transports from Lodz to Auschwitz was found in the mean time (not available to Czech in her studies), which shows that indeed a transport from Lodz was arriving in Auschwitz on this 20 August 1944. 522 male Jews were taken out of the transport for labour and since they do not show up in the list of registered new arrivals they were apparently accommodated as depot prisoners without registration. If the transport strength was 2500 as Mattogno assumed for the Lodz transports, then up to 1978 people (minus the unknown number of females taken out for labour) were exterminated on 20 August 1944 in Auschwitz.

On May 31 1944, three Jewish transports from Hungary entered Birkenau with about 6000 people considered unfit for work. The figure was exceeding the cremation capacity of the crematoria and moreover the previous six days already 9000 Jewish people unfit for work were poured into Birkenau on average. The crematoria (however many were operating these days) were certainly not able to follow the pace of the extermination and open air incineration had to be employed, as indicated by the active cremation site behind crematorium 5 on the aerial photograph.

The high extermination rate on 31 May 1944 actually suggests that several pyres were necessary for the body disposal, but only one is recognized active on the aerial photographs of 31 May. As already pointed out, the photos only represent a moment and do not cover the whole period or day.

________________________________________

So the bottom line is that the open air cremations carried out in summer 1944 in Auschwitz are not reasonable explained by the need to dispose the "natural deaths" among the camp inmates. There is no evidence to support a simultanous and long black-out of the crematoria necessary to justify the use of open fires in the camp.

In contrary, aerial photographs indicate an occasion when at least one crematorium was functioning while open air cremations were carried out. This points to excessive accumulation of corpses in Auschwitz-Birkenau and supports that mass extermination was carried out. The use of open air cremation sites correlates with large scale deportations Jews providing a hint on the victims that triggered their operation.

The interpretation is fully corroborated by testimonial evidence as well as by the contemporary secret message of the resistance of 4 September 1944 explaining the Sonderkommando ground photos - and vice versa.


Edited: 22 September 2012 (correction of 20 August 1944 interpretation)


"Dalton" (again) shows what makes him tick

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"White Nationalism", from that I have seen of it, is the domain of somewhat-less-than-recommendable individuals like Greg Gerdes– losers who seek to console themselves by taking pride in their "White" ethnic background and attacking all perceived threats to supposed "White" interests. The largest such threat is obviously held to emanate from Jews, who for some reason are not considered to be "White". Hence "White Nationalists" tend to be rabid, paranoid anti-Semites.



One of these gentlemen – a namesake of Gerdes, though apparently one with a slightly higher IQ – recently posted an article in which he argues that Holocaust "Revisionism" (also known as Holocaust denial) is not necessary to "White Nationalism" and may even distract from activities or arguments that this movement should pursue in order to curb the supposed pernicious power wielded by Jews against "Whites".

What lends this showpiece of benighted fanaticism more than just amusement value is that our old friend "Thomas Dalton, PhD" responded to it, in an article published on "the White network".

"Dalton" touts the supposed benefits that "Whites" may derive from "Revisionism", the most important of which is supposed to consist in reducing the Jewish death toll at the hands of the Nazis to "a mere blip—one percent of the roughly 50 million deaths in World War II", and thus "effectively" destroying what he calls "the leading guilt-tool" wielded by Jews against "Whites".

Nothing new there – one need only read the blogs collected under the label "Dalton", especially the follow-up of Kevin Barrett’s Interviews on American Freedom Radio on 24.04.2010, to realize how ridiculously hollow "Dalton"'s pep-talk is.

What nevertheless makes this pep-talk worth a brief note is that it removes any doubt that may eventually have remained about where "Dalton" comes from and what motivates his "Revisionism".

We learn that "Dalton" advocates "a truly Euro-American white nationalism", which "must be free to self-govern, away from dominating control by Jewish or other near-white ethnicities".

We learn that "Dalton" sees people like the contributors of this blog as "ideological lackeys" of the Jews, who "pose a special challenge to White Nationalism" and shouldn't be left "off the hook".

We learn that "Dalton" sees Jews as sinister scoundrels who "don’t just work against whites; they work against everyone". He invokes several perceived authorities on the matter of Jewish evil:
One of the earliest recorded western commentaries on the Jews—that of Hecateus, circa 300 BC—noted that “Moses introduced a way of life which was, to a certain extent, misanthropic and hostile to foreigners.” This is documented in the Old Testament, and in the (self-)view of the Jews as God’s chosen. Several early commentators, most notably the great Roman historian Tacitus, wrote about the Jews’ “hatred of the human race.” [...] In 1771, Voltaire wrote of the Jews, “they are, all of them, born with raging fanaticism in their hearts… I would not be in the least bit surprised if these people would not some day become deadly to the human race.” We should take Voltaire’s warning to heart.


Last but not least, we learn that "Dalton" sees the persecution of the Jews by Nazi Germany (or at least the prewar aspects thereof) as "a nationalist success story":
In the period of just six years, from 1933 to 1939, and amidst a global depression, Germany rose from a ruined, bankrupt nation to the strongest on Earth. The Holocaust—the real event—is a nationalist success story. Rein in Jewish-controlled banks and capitalist enterprises, restore national integrity to the media, expel Jews from the seat of governmental power…and your nation will flourish. What better lesson could revisionism provide?

Such unmistakable anti-Semitic and pro-Nazi bigotry is expressed by the same individual who, in the Introduction of his book (discussed in the blog Old Herrings in a New Can: Thomas Dalton’s Debating the Holocaust (1)) presented himself to his gullible readers as an impartial analyst, with the following claims:
I intend to present an objective, impartial look at this debate. I will discuss the latest and strongest arguments on both sides, examine the replies, and offer an unbiased assessment. This is a challenging task, to say the least, but I believe that I am reasonably well suited for it. Unlike the vast majority of writers on the Holocaust, I am not Jewish—either by religion or ethnicity; nor are any of my family members. I am not of German descent. No one in my immediate family suffered or died in World War II. I am neither Muslim nor fundamentalist Christian, so I have no religious bias. My background is as a scholar and academic, having taught humanities at a prominent American university for several years now. I have a long-standing interest in World War II, and in the present conflict in the Middle East. In the end, whether I have succeeded in offering an objective analysis of this debate will be for the reader to judge.

"Revisionists" are known for their hypocrisy in claiming that they are objective researchers trying to establish historical facts. Mr. "Dalton" has added a further touch of cynicism to that hypocrisy.

Meanwhile, on "Inconvenient History" ...

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... our infuriated friends Mattogno, Graf and Kues announce another delay in their response to the HC critique.

I especially liked the part about the "comrade" who can't manage the translation of Mattogno's text from Italian to English. :-)

Thomas Kues is said to be "reviewing important material about new archeological investigations at Sobibór". These must be the investigations directed by Yoram Haimi, which have been reported in the press over the past days (see articles on the CBS News, Daily Mail and Haaretz websites, among others).

The Jäger Report (3)

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The Jäger Report (1)

The Jäger Report (2)

The Jäger Report (4)

The Jäger Report (5)

The Jäger Report (6)

The Jäger Report (7)

The Jäger Report (8)

The present blog is about the extermination of the Jewish population in the Lithuanian countryside in 1941. Like in the previous blogs of this series, the information presented in this blog is mostly based on German historian Wolfram Wette’s biography of Karl Jäger (Wolfram Wette, Karl Jäger. Mörder der litauischen Juden, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2011, hereinafter "Wette, Jäger").




The Hamann mobile detachment and the murder of the Jews in rural Lithuania

At the time of the massacres in Kaunas mentioned in the previous installment of this series, parts of Einsatzkommando 3, supported by Lithunian police, were active in various villages and towns in the Lithuanian countryside, killing hundreds of Jews and Communists on each occasion. In the second half August there followed mass executions of Jewish men, women and children in Rokiskis (3,207 dead), Raminai (298 dead), again in Rokiskis (981 dead), Ukmerge (645 dead), Aglona (544 dead), Panevezys (7,523 dead), Rasainiai (1,926 dead), Obelisi (1,160 dead) Seduva (664 dead), Zarasai (2,569 dead), Pasvalys (1,349 dead), Kaisiadorys (1,911 dead), Prienai (1,078 dead), Dagda and Kraslawa (216 dead), Josiskis (355 dead), Vilkia (402 dead), Jedainiai (2,076 dead), Rumsiskis and Ziezmariai (784 dead), Utena and Moletai (3,782 dead), Alytus and surroundings (233 dead). In September and October the mass murders continued at the same speed and with the same intensity.

Some of the largest of these extermination operations took place in the small town of Rokiskis. There all Jews, men, women and children, were shot in August 1941. The name Rokiskis appears twice in the Jäger Report, on page 2:
August 15 and 16, 41 Rokiskis 3200 Jews, Jewesses and Jewish children 5 Lith. Comm., 1 Pole, 1 partisan 3,207

June 27 to August 14, 41 Rokiskis 493 Jews, 432 Russians, 56 Lithuanians (all active Communists) 981

The killings between June 27 and 14 August 1941 were probably carried out by Lithuanian nationalists on their own initiative with the consent of Einsatzkommando 3. The large massacre on 15 and 16 August, on the other hand, was a carefully planned and executed operation, which wiped out all Jews and other undesirables still alive in Rokiskis at that time. Jäger pointed out this operation as an example of EK 3’s modus operandi in rural Lithuania, as follows:
The implementation of such activities is primarily a question of organization. The decision to systematically make every district free of Jews necessitated an exhaustive preparation of each individual operation and reconnaissance of the prevailing circumstances in the applicable district. The Jews had to be assembled at one or several locations. Depending on the number, a place for the required pits had to be found and the pits dug. The marching route from the assembly place to the pits amounted on average to 4 to 5 kilometers. The Jews were transported to the place of execution in detachments of 500, at intervals of at least 2 kilometers. The attendant difficulties and nerve-wracking activity occasioned in doing this are shown in a randomly selected example: In Rokiskis, 3,208 people had to be transported 4.5 kilometers before they could be liquidated. To accomplish this task in 24 hours, more than 60 of the 80 available Lithuanian partisans had to be allocated for transportation and cordoning off duty. The remainder of them, who had to be constantly replaced, carried out the work together with my men. Motor vehicles are only occasionally available. Attempts to escape, which took place every now and then, were prevented exclusively by my men at the risk of their lives.

The unit in charge of this operation, called the Rollkommando Hamann (Hamann mobile detachment), was commanded by SS-Obersturmführer Joachim Hamann, who at the time was 28 years old. Hamann was known as a fanatical Jew-hater and extremely ambitious. The term "mobile detachment" was due to the unit’s motor park, which allowed the unit to operate throughout Lithuania from its basis in Kaunas. In commanding the mobile detachment Hamann gained the reputation of being Jäger’s "overeager bloodhound". His unbound energy in wiping out Lithuania’s rural Jews satisfied both his radical anti-Semitism and his career expectations.


SS-Obersturmführer Joachim Hamann, commander of the "Rollkommando Hamann" of Einsatzkommando 3, Kaunas.

With little personnel of his own at his disposal, Hamann had the murders in rural Lithuania carried out mainly through local auxiliaries. The radically anti-Semitic auxiliary policemen who did his dirty work he referred to as "partisans". They carried a white armband and were therefore also called "white bands" (Weiβbänder). These radical nationalists were formed into paramilitary units called "auxiliary policemen" (Hilfspolizisten). In Kaunas a battalion of these auxiliary policemen, with a strength of 1,755 men, was put together in early July 1941. From this battalion Hamann recruited the local members of his mobile detachment, including a lieutenant by the name of Bronius Norkus, who had been an officer in the Lithuanian army and became Hamann’s energetic and unscrupulous assistant in murdering the Jews of rural Lithuania.

In carrying out the Rokiskis massacre, Hamann’s detachment worked in close cooperation with the Lithunian community administration and the local Lithuanian uniformed police. One day before the start of the large Rokiskis massacre the local police was informed that a mass shooting of Jews was to take place. Members of the local police force were to take part in the shooting only if they volunteered for this task, otherwise they were to perform the necessary guard duties. On 16 August the former "’partisans", now acting as policemen, collected 500 Jews in Rokiskis and marched them to the site of the killing, a nearby forest. Undressing the victims was one of the tasks of the local Lithuanian police, who received a daily allowance and free food in return for this service. The further proceeding was described as follows by historian Knut Stang ("Kollaboration und Völkermord. Das Rollkommando Hamann und die Vernichtung der litauischen Juden." In: Paul, Gerhard/Klaus-Michael Mallmann (editors): Die Gestapo im Zweiten Weltkrieg. >Heimatfront< und besetztes Europa. Darmstadt 2000. Quoted in Wette, Jäger, p. 106; my translation):
The Jews had to take of their clothes; those who refused were […] beaten with a stick. In groups of 30 to 40 persons they then entered one of the pits and lay on the ground or on the previous victims. Then shots were fired from the pit's longitudinal rims. Victims who were only wounded were murdered by the Germans with aimed shots. Nevertheless some heavily wounded were still alive when the next group lay down in the pit.

On the next day the shootings in Rokiskis continued. As usual the murdering marksmen had unlimited quantities of vodka at their disposal, which led to their usually being completely drunk after the shootings.

Jäger expressed his recognition for Hamann’s achievements in his report:
The goal of making Lithuania free of Jews could only be attained through the deployment of a raiding commando with selected men under the leadership of SS First Lieutenant Hamann, who completely and entirely adopted my goals and understood the importance of ensuring the co-operation of the Lithuanian partisans and the competent civilian positions.

Jäger’s enthusiasm for the results of Hamann’s work was not shared by the civilian administration of Nazi-occupied Lithuania, which had to deal with the sanitation problems posed by the large numbers of huge mass graves throughout the Lithuanian countryside. Some of the correspondence regarding the management of these mass graves has been recovered, including a letter dated 8 July 1942 sent by the District Medical Officer of Trakai to the Regional Commissioner Vilna Land, in response to the Regional Commissioner’s inquiry about mass graves in the respective region and the measures taken to prevent public health risks. The letter mentions mass graves at several of Hamann’s killing sites recorded in the Jäger Report: Trakai (1,446 Jews killed on 30.9.1941, thereof 366 men, 483 women, 597 children - page 6), Semeliškes (962 Jews killed on 6.10.1941, thereof 213 men, 359 women and 390 children - page 6), Rumsiskis and Ziezmariai (784 Jews killed on 29 August 1941, thereof 20 men, 567 women and 197 children - page 3) and Kaišiadorys (1,911 Jewish men, women and children shot on 26 August 1941 - page 3).

The mass murder of the Jews in Semeliškės was mentioned in a report dated 27 August 1944 from the Soviet Extraordinary State Commission, which is partially transcribed in the Yad Vashem Archives and was kindly brought to my attention, together with the aforementioned letter, by a fellow researcher who posts as "maximusolson". Note that the Soviet report, in keeping with the Soviet government policy addressed in Part 1 of this series, didn't mention that the victims were Jews but referred to them as "innocent citizens".

The Yad Vashem photo archives contain a number of photographs, some of which are shown hereafter, taken at sites in Lithuania where Jews and others were killed by the Nazis and/or Lithuanian nationalists or collaborators. Some of these photos are very graphic and should not be viewed by sensitive persons. The captions are Yad Vashem’s.

Lithuania, Exhumation.

Kovno, Lithuania, German soldiers and Lithuanians looking at the bodies of the Jews murdered by Lithuanian nationalists in Lietukis Garage on 27/06/1941.

Lithuania, Postwar, A corpse in a mass grave.

Vilijampole, Lithuania, Burnt bodies of murder victims in the ghetto, 18/12/1944.

Kaunas, Lithuania, Corpses.

Kovno, Lithuania, June 1941, Lithuanians murdering Jews in the city square.

Resse, Lithuania, November 1944, The exhumation of corpses of Jews murdered at the site.

Kovno, Lithuania, Bodies of Jews who were murdered by Lithuanian nationalists in Lietukis Garage on 27/06/1941.

Lithuania, 1941, Bodies of Jews murdered next to the Seventh Fort.

Kovno, Lithuania, Lithuanians beating Jews while German soldiers watch, 24/06/1941.

Kovno, Lithuania, Bodies of Jews burned alive in the ghetto.

Kovno, Lithuania, Jewish children's corpses in the ghetto 30/08/1944.

Keidan, Lithuania, Postwar, A mass grave in a field.

Kovno, Lithuania, Jews who were murdered by Lithuanian nationalists in the Lietukis Garage on 27/06/1941.

Utena, 1945, Russian soldiers and local men beside corpses, before their reburial.

Utena, Lithuania, Human bones that were taken out of their graves and brought by family members for burial at the site, after the war.

Utena, Lithuania, Postwar, A burial ceremony for bones removed by family members.

Utena, Lithuania, A killing pit.

Utena, Lithuania, 1946, Interment of murder victims' bones in a mass grave.

Trakai (Troki), Lithuania, A mass grave for 1800 dead in a cemetery.

Trakai (Troki), Lithuania, A memorial service for 1800 dead at a mass grave.

Semeliskes, Lithuania, 17/09/1991, A monument on a mass grave.

Ziezmariai, Lithuania, A mass grave a few kilometers from the city, where 2200 men were killed.

The Vilna Gaon State Jewish Museum in Vilnius features a Holocaust Atlas of Lithuania, with the names of every location in the country where Jews were murdered and information about the dates and particulars of the killings, the numbers of victims and the precise location of each killing site.

Next part:
The Jäger Report (4)

Friedrich Paul Berg yelled for "PHOTOS photos of gassing victims"...

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.... and I showed him some.



See my posts of Sun Sep 02, 2012 12:56 pm and Mon Sep 03, 2012 2:50 am on the reborn RODOH forum.

The final part of the last of these posts is transcribed below.

As concerns autopsies performed by the Soviets on people killed in gas vans, I have the following information transcribed here (emphases added):
Morning Session, 17 December, 1943.
Findings of the Commission of Medico-legal Experts:
[...]
n the 13 grave-pits opened in Kharkov and its immediate vicinity were found a huge number of corpses. In most graves they lay in extreme disorder, fantastically intertwined, forming tangles of human bodies defying description. The corpses lay in such a manner that they can be said to have been dumped or heaped but not buried in common graves. In two pits in the Sokolniki forest park bodies were found lying in straight rows, face downward, arms bent at the elbow and hands pressed to faces or necks. All the bodies had bullet wounds through the heads. Such a position of the bodies was not accidental. It proves that the victims were forced to lie down face downward and were shot in that position. In the grave pits where the bodies lay and in places where the bodies had been burnt the medico-legal experts found articles of everyday use and personal effects, such as bags, sacks, knives, pots, mugs, spectacles, fasteners of women’s handbags, etc. The fact revealed by the investigation namely, that before being murdered Soviet citizens were stripped of their footwear, is fully confirmed by the medico-legal examinations: during exhumation the experts in most cases discovered naked or half-naked bodies.

In order to ascertain which Soviet citizens were exterminated and in what manner, the experts exhumed and examined 1,047 bodies in Kharkov and its environs. These included the bodies of 19 children and adolescents, 429 women and 599 men. The dead ranged in age from two to 70 years. The fact that the bodies of children, adolescents, women and old men as well as invalids were discovered in grave-pits with civilian clothes and articles of domestic use and personal effects on the bodies or near them, proves that the German fascist authorities exterminated Soviet citizens regardless of sex or age. On the other hand, the fact that [on] the bodies of young and middle-age men were found clothes of military cut worn in the Red Army, also articles of military equipment (pots, mugs, belts, etc.) is evidence of Soviet war prisoners.

The extermination of Soviet people (civilians and war prisoners) was effected by means of poisoning with carbon monoxide, shooting, burning, and killing with blunt, hard and heavy instruments. All this has been established absolutely and irrefutably, by the material of the preliminary investigation, the Court proceedings, and proved by the medico-legal experts with scientific objectivity.

The depositions of the accused and the witnesses state that in various parts of the temporarily occupied territory of the U.S.S.R. the German fascist invaders used specially equipped large vans in the bodies of which Soviet citizens were murdered by exhaust gases containing carbon monoxide. The medico-legal experts proved this beyond doubt for the first time when examining bodies exhumed in the town of Krasnodar and in its vicinity. At the same time the presence of carbon monoxide was irrefutably established by a combination of physiological, chemical and spectroscopic tests of the blood in the tissues and organs of the corpses. The same method of poisoning with carbon monoxide as was used in Krasnodar has been proved by medico-legal examination of some of the bodies exhumed in Kharkov.

The lorry which came to be known as the gas van or murder van, designed to exterminate people inside its air-tight body by means of exhaust gases, must be regarded as a mechanical method for the simultaneous poisoning of large groups of people.

Investigation and medico-legal examinations has established that in addition to [b]poisoning with carbon monoxide[/b], the Germans applied on a large scale, in Kharkov and its environs, mass shooting from automatic firearms, firing as a rule into the back of the head, the back of the neck and the spine. [...]

The above text mentions killing in gas vans at both Kharkov and Krasnodar. The stills from footage of the Drobitski Yar near Kharkov, captioned as showing people killed in gas vans or by shooting, I have already shown you. Below you find some exhumation photos taken in the Krasnodar area, which possibly also show the corpses of people killed in gas vans. These photos are included in my blog 22 June 1941:





This additional photo, which I didn't include in the aforementioned collection, is captioned "Krasnodar, USSR, Bodies of children gassed to death with carbon monoxide, after the liberation":



I'm sure you're eager to dismiss this evidence as having been manipulated by the Soviets for propaganda purposes. So let's have a look at some evidence regarding the use of gas vans in the Krasnodar region that the Soviets couldn't possibly have manipulated. The following is my translation of an excerpt from the Munich Court of Assizes' judgment against members of Einsatzkommando 10a dated 14 July 1942 (you'll find a trial summary here under "Jeissk"), which I expect to have been essentially based on testimonies provided to this West German court or to other West German criminal justice authorities by the trial's defendants and other eyewitnesses to these killings. The excerpt, which is quoted on pp. 102-104 of Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl et al (editors), Nationalsozialistische Massentötungen durch Giftgas, is about the murder of handicapped children from an asylum at Jeissk (Eysk), a town by the Sea of Azov 247 km away from Krasnodar:


After the capture of the city of Krasnodar by German troops on 9.8.1942, Einsatzkommando 10a followed into this city. To the city of Jeissk (Eysk) on the eastern shore of the Sea of Azov, which also had been captured on 9.8.1942, a partial detachment commanded by the defendant Trimborn was sent. On 8.10.1942 this partial detachment received a delegation from Krasnodar including the defendant Dr. Görz. This delegation brought the >gas van< and the order to kill the children of the asylum located in area Shtsherbinovskaya-Barikadnaya-Budyenny Street. This children’s asylum was located by the city and had several buildings. In the buildings of the central complex there were moronic and imbecilic children, in the building at the corner of Shtsherbinovskaya and Gogol Street there were physically handicapped and also healthy children, in the building at Budyenny Streret there were bedridden sick children (suffering from hydrocephaly). The children were aged between about three and about seventeen years.
The >gas van< or – as the Russians called it – the >soul killer< was a large box van. On the outside walls mock windows had been painted, at the back there was a double door sealing the box construction. The box structure was lined inside with white sheet metal and had grates lying on the floor. With the help of a hose the motor exhaust could be introduced into the box structure from below.
To execute the order brought from Krasnodar, the mentioned delegation together with members of the partial detachment based in Jeissk went to the mentioned children’s asylum on 9 October 1942 around 16 or 17 hours in the afternoon. The gas van was first driven into the yard of the building at the corner of Shtsherbinovskaya and Gogol Street. Thereafter the building was surrounded by several men and secured against an eventual escape of the children.
The head of the asylum’s education department, Galina Kotshubinskaya, and the children were told that the children were to be taken to Krasnodar for medical treatment. The headmistress, who – like the children – knew from newspapers that the Germans killed people with the >soul killer< – objected to the uploading of the children, but without success.
The children were rounded up in the yard. Smaller children and such who could not move without assistance were carried out of the building. Nurses from the asylum also helped in doing this, with tears in their eyes. When, however, some of the children resisted, started screaming and tried to run away, they were caught, hit or grabbed by their arms and legs, carried to the van and thrown into the same. Two men dragged Volodya Goncharov, a thirteen-year-old pioneer, out of the building to the van, by his legs and with his head down.
The crying and screaming children eventually also lay on top of each other in the gas van's box structure. When the box was full, the double door was closed, and the van took off. In their death panic, caused already by the constriction and seclusion of the room they were in, the children screamed and banged on the walls of the box. After some time the carbon monoxide introduced into the box with the exhaust showed its first effects. At least some of the children had severe feelings of choking. Their heart beat faster and they felt nausea, buzzing in their eyes, pounding in their temples and pain in the forehead and temple areas. As the poisoning progressed they felt sickness and urge to vomit, until they were assailed by cramps, vomited, urinated, defecated and finally died from brain paralysis due to lack of oxygen.
The children did not all die at the same time. While some of them already showed severe symptoms of poisoning, others witnessed the death struggle with its cramps, vomiting, urination and defecation while still relatively conscious, which considerably increased their death panic and their torments.
The dead children, intertwined due to their death struggle, were finally unloaded into an anti-tank ditch near the city. Thereafter, still on the same day, the bedridden sick children from the building at Budyenny Street were taken to the gas van and poisoned.

The picture below (published in the document collection »Gott mit uns« Der deutsche Vernichtungskrieg im Osten 1939 – 1945, edited by Ernst Klee e Willi Dressen, 1989 S. Fischer Verlag GmbH, Frankfurt am Main, Germany), shows some of the children from the Jeissk (Eysk) children’s asylum gassed on 9 October 1942:



One of the children, shown below in a photo from the same collection, was named Misha:




These children were what Nazis like Fredo would call "Untermenschen" (subhumans), in two respects: they were handicapped, and they were racially inferior Slavs.

Auschwitz labour force reports as evidence of sinister activity at the crematoria

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A number of fragmentary records from the year 1944 are known on the number of prisoner deployed at the crematoria in Auschwitz-Birkenau. The known (published) records cover crematoria prisoner’s strength for days in January, February, April, May, July, August and October 1944. Some reports are available online at the Holocaust History Project website.


Strength



Date (1944)
Strength of crematoria detail
15.1
383
31.1
414
15.2
405
20.4
218
3.5
217
11.5
218
14.5
90
15.5
318
28.7 - 29.7
903
1.8 - 8.8
903
9.8
897
10.8 -19.8
873
21.8
873
22.8 - 30.8
874
7.9
874
2.10
662
3.10 - 8.10
661
9.10 - 26.10
212
27.10
199
28.10 - 31.10
200

                       (data from Carlo Mattogno, Auschwitz: Open Air Incinerations [AOAI], p. 80 ff.)


For May 1944, there are in average 25 deaths documented per day in Birkenau according to Revisionist/negationist Carlo Mattogno, AOIA, p. 78, but he estimates the true figure to be 50 deaths. At such daily rate, the crematoria only needed a small team of stokers as well as corpse stretchers, and even then they were unemployed most of the day (50 corpses were incinerated in a single big crematorium within 3.5 hours, or if all crematoria participated in about 1 hour; all rates without considering multiple cremations and overlapping cremation cycles, which in fact drastically reduced the cremation time further).

There is no apparent reason why any more than 15 workers were required to dispose the corpses. Indeed, such a figure would also correlate with the 6 corpse stretchers listed in the labour force report of 2August 1944 and who brought the deaths to the crematoria. To be on the safe side, let us quadruple (!) the figure and assume that 60 workers correspond to the number of prisoners needed to carry out the work at the crematoria if only “natural deaths” were disposed there.

The actual number of prisoners assigned to the crematoria in 1944 was well above this estimation and in fact 3 to 15 times higher (note that the drop on 14 May 1944 to 90 was due to Sunday and can be ignored here).

The possible explanation of hidden unemployment can be excluded, as crematoria’s stoker is undoubtedly one of the least details one would place unemployed prisoners to hide them in the records and many more suitable details for this supposed purpose did not undergo the drastic increase the crematoria details was subjected to between May and July 1944.

According to Mattogno, AOIA, p. 75, the total number of employed prisoners in Birkenau increased from 6804 to 8830 between 15 May and 28 July 1944. The Kanada detail (collecting and sorting the effects of the deported Jews) increased from 133 to 590 prisoners (Archives of the Auschwitz State Museum, D-AuII-3a, 6a, data supplied by Nick Terry). The crematoria detail increased from 318 to 903 prisoners.

Therefore, the crematoria and the Kanada detail made up 5% and 2% of working prisoners in Birkenau on 15 May 1944, but were responsible for 29% and 23% of the increase of labour force up to 28 July. The selective boost of the strength strongly suggest a real need for work force in these details rather than a policy of hidden unemployment.

The crematoria detail strength far exceeded what one would expect based on the known or estimated death toll among registered prisoners, which provides a hint that the number of corpses accumulated in Auschwitz exceeded the “natural deaths” among registered prisoners. Interestingly, the same conclusion was already obtained from simultaneous activity of crematoria and open incineration sites on aerial photographs (see The Auschwitz open air incineration photographs as evidence for mass extermination)

In the reports July - September 1944, 870 workers (i.e. the vast majority) of the crematoria are identified as “stokers”. But also at full load and reduced corpse introduction intervals, this number of prisoners could not have actually worked at the crematoria ovens. The mentioned aerial and ground photographs identify open air cremation behind crematorium 5 as another working place, but even if assuming 30 stokers per crematorium and 100 stokers for the outdoor sites the sum is still way off the actual work force listed.

Likely, a large part of the 870 “stokers” was not at all involved in firing and loading ovens or open air incineration sites. It should be emphasized that it was not necessary in these reports to identify the actual work of the detail – its location was already perfectly sufficient in numerous cases. Hence, it cannot be argued that the term was used simply because a specific job had to be mentioned formally and stoker would be the one associated first with a crematorium.    

Rather, the misleading and partially false designation suggests it was explicitly (but rather clumsy) attempted  to provide an innocent job description (as, in principle, stoker is a perfectly normal occupation in a crematorium), which indicates the crematoria details were not that innocent at all and there was something special about it. In fact, the Jewish crematoria prisoners were referred to as Sonderkommando (special squad) in a contemporary German document (see Carlo Mattogno and crematoria Sonderkommandos) and this is well confirmed by numerous testimonies (including SS personnel and crematoria workers themselves).

There is no documentary evidence known so far when exactly the massive increase of the crematoria personnel by almost 300% between 15 May and 28 July did take place. But according to testimonial evidence from former members of the detail (Milton Buki [Frankfurt Auschwitz trial], Filip Müller [Frankfurt Auschwitz trial], Henryk Tauber) the increase was carried out during the deportation of Hungarian Jews (16 May - 11 July 1944), according to the latter two early during the operation. Indeed, a Hungarian prisoner employed in the crematoria detail (Dov Paisikovic [Frankfurt Auschwitz trial]) testified that 250 Hungarian Jews (including him) were added to the crematoria detail in late May 1944.

Guarding


The labour force reports also list the number of guards assigned to working details. At first sight, the assignment of 22 guards to the 903 prisoners of the crematoria detail (1 guard per about 40 prisoners) on 2 August 1944 seems not particular high and suspicious. However, this changes dramatically if compared against other work details. In fact, the vast majority of details employed at the Birkenau camp or in the SS garrison were not provided with any specific guarding in the labour force reports at all.

For example, the 2 August 1944 male labour force report of Birkenau indicates that - as a rule - only outside work details (e.g. in Auschwitz sub camps) were given guards, while work details in the camp or in the SS garrison the camp were not - with three exceptions: the flusher detail (Kanalreiniger), the side track detail for Birkenau (Gleisanschluss KL. II)…and the crematoria detail.

It stands to reason that usually only details operating beyond the chain of guards were provided with specific guarding in the labour force reports, which is obvious for the outside details, but may very well be also the case for the flusher detail and side track detail. Although they were listed as working in or at the camp, for all we know they were operating also in a less secured area.

However, this was certainly not the case for the crematoria details. Quite contrary, the crematoria were located within the inner chain of guards, enclosed by electrically loaded barbed wire fence and guard towers. There was even a second camouflage fence around them.

Thus, the crematoria detail was intrinsically well secured and according to the rule and logic of the labour force reports, did not require any additional guarding. As a matter of fact, the Kanada detail, which was of comparable size or only half the strength of the crematoria detail (depending on the date in summer 1944) and located just next to the crematoria sites, was not provided with a single guard in the reports.

In terms of numbers (percentages), the crematoria detail consisted of about 10% of the prisoners employed in the camp or in the SS garrison according to the 2 August (or 28 July) 1944 labour force report, but was guarded by 75% (or 30%) of the SS guards assigned - while one would expect 0% (thus, zero guards) since the detail was already secured by the barbed wire fence and an (inner or outer) chain of guards.

It is also noteworthy that the number of guards increased about twice as much as the numbers of prisoners between 15 May and 28 July 1944, indicating that their number was not only scaled with the number of prisoners but also with certain activity at the site.

Revisionist arguments


Carlo Mattogno was rather vague in his explanation of the excessive crematoria strength in summer 1944 (“the most plausible motive is an administrative one”, “it was necessary…to reduce the number of those unemployed”, AOAI, p. 75), but it smells like the hidden unemployment hypothesis, originally expressed by “Cat Scan” in 2001 at the old CODOH discussion forum.

What exactly the 903 prisoners (minus few dozens needed for body disposal of “natural death” among registered prisoners) were supposed to do all day long (and night!) or alternatively, why one of the least suitable details making up less than 5 % of the work force was picked to carry more than 1/3 of the supposed hidden unemployment between 15 May and 28 July 1944, Revisionist did not bother to explain.

Or to provide evidence that there was substantial (non-sinister, see below) hidden unemployment in Birkenau to begin with…and why. As a matter of fact, it is far from obvious in the framework of this hypothesis, why the Auschwitz SS was not transferring people fit for work to labour camps, where they were actually needed and requested, and people unfit for work to one of those numerous family camps that existed somewhere and somehow according to the Revisionist narrative and where hundreds of thousands of sick, children and elderly were already sent to (for the sake of argument).

Mattogno also thought he could disprove the massive crematoria strength was due to mass extermination. He argued that the strength of ≈ 400 crematoria workers in January and February 1944 with only claimed 190 average gassed victims per day “clearly shows that there is no relationship between the workforce in the crematoria and the claimed gassings” (AOAI, p. 72) if compared against the 360 prisoners testified by Henryk Tauber working in the crematoria in summer 1944 with “9,200 victims per day”.

First of all, Mattogno is comparing apples with oranges by contrasting the daily average of early 1944 to the peakfigure of summer 1944.

But more importantly, the entire argument is based on a misconception of the Sonderkommando history. Mattogno assumes that if the mass extermination is true, the Sonderkommando strength would have been adjusted daily or weekly or monthly to the actual number of victims. But it is a priori not clear why the assumption should be reasonable from the perspective of the Auschwitz SS in charge of the mass extermination, but it is also contradicted by the available evidence on the Sonderkommando history. 

From the testimonies of SK members such as Filip Müller, Henryk Tauber, Shlomo Dragon and Stanislaw Jankowski, it can be deduced that the policy was to provide the crematoria detail with a prisoner’s strength to handle mid-term peak activity in 1943 - 1944. Several concerns of the camp administration with regard to the Sonderkommando can be guessed: a) having a reliable team of workers, b) who can cope with the dirty work and c) who are separated from the other prisoners as they were “secret carriers” directly involved in the mass murder.

A practice of daily or weekly large scale transfers and liquidations among the SK prisoners - as assumed by Mattogno - was conflicting with concerns a) and c). Their inevitable unemployment during periods with lesser extermination activity as well as a regularly high strength (and related increased impact of a possible revolt) was apparently accepted as the lesser evil. Ironically, this can be seen as a true case of “hidden unemployment”, but not in sense Revisionists would like it to be and only reasonable in the context of mass murder or some other highly sinister activity.

The small fluctuation of the crematoria strength in January and February 1944 remains unexplained in this context, but is also less relevant given the small scale and few data points. 

More significant is the drop between 15 February and 20 April 1944 by 187 prisoners, which is most likely explained by the deportation of about 200 members of the Sonderkommando to Majdanek concentration camp and transfer of 19 Russian POWs and a capo from Majdanek to the SK in Auschwitz-Birkenau. The Russian POWs revealed the 200 Sonderkommandos were liquidated in Majdanek. 

These incidents were described by Salmen Lewenthal (buried handwriting of October/November 1944, Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 230, anachronistically placed in summer 1944), Chaim Herman (buried handwriting of 6 November 1944, Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 264, dated it 24 February 1944), Stanislaw Jankowski (testimony of 16 April 1945, Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 50), Henryk Tauber (testimony of 24 May 1945, note the exaggerated figure of 300 prisoners transferred to Majdanek), Filip Müller (Auschwitz Inferno, p. 90, however, at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial Müller placed the event in summer 1943 and remembered only 30 SK sent to Lublin).

The episode indicates that the camp administration anticipated a lower short and mid term peak activity for the extermination sites in February 1944 and adjusted the Sonderkommando strength accordingly. 

In May 1944 the Jewish transports from Hungary were about to roll to Auschwitz and triggered a drastic change in the expected extermination activity. The Sonderkommando was not only strengthened to operate the crematoria at full capacity again, but additional outdoor extermination and body disposal sites were employed.

Mattogno claimed the "it is not known when it rose to 900 detainees" [AOAI, p. 70]. I would like to put it more precisely: he does not know, because he prefers to stuff his fingers into his ears not to hear what people who were actually there at the time had to say. From testimonial evidence (Tauber, Müller, Paisicovic) we know that most likely the boost occurred early during the Hungarian operation.

Between September and early October 1944, the Sonderkommando strength dropped by about 200 prisoners again. Mattogno thinks "nothing prevents us from believing that the 212 missing detainees were transferred to another camp or assigned to other Kommandos". This is not entirely correct. There is actually something which prevents us from believing this - it is called evidence.

On 26 September 1944, the camp resistance reported that 200 Sonderkommandos were gassed in a delousing facility in Auschwitz main camp (Danuta Czech, Kalendarium).

Jozef Bialostocki testified on 25 February.1945 that 200 members of the Sonderkommando were gassed in the Auschwitz main camp in July 1944 (State Archive of the Russian Federation, f. 7021, op. 108, d. 6, l. 142, courtesy of Sergey Romanov). Santiu (?) Colette testified on 6 March 1945 that 200 - 220 Sonderkommando prisoners were gassed in the main camp in August or September 1944 (State Archive of the Russian Federation, f. 7021, op. 108, d. 10, l. 91, courtesy of Sergey Romanov).

Pery Broad wrote in a report in May 1945 that several hundreds of SKs were gassed in autumn 1944 (Auschwitz in den Augen der SS). The report is fairly reliable by the way. Filip Müller testified on 8 October 1964 that he heard the Sonderkommandos selected some weeks prior the uprising (early October 1944) were gassed in the main camp. Jacov Gabai stated 200 Sonderkommandos were killed on 18 September 1944 (Greif, We wept without tears, p. 194).

One of the most serious but also blatant flaws throughout Mattogno's works: if something is not written in a German document, we do not know about it; a contemporary Polish or Jewish document is "nothing". And a post-war testimony anyway. The inevitable result is a highly selective and distorted narrative of the events full of holes.

Another hole in his narrative is what happened on the 7 October 1944, when three SS men were killed in Auschwitz. Two days later the Sonderkommando strength dropped by 449 prisoners and the next day crematorium 4 was not manned at all anymore indicating heavy damage at its site. Mattogno does not know exactly what was going on here, since it is not explained in any German contemporary document and well, you know where his fingers still stuck.

The killing of the SS men, the destruction of crematoria 4 and the reduction of of the largest part of the crematoria detail were the result of the Sonderkommando revolt. The incident was - for example -  described by SS men Josef Erber, Stefan Baretzki, Karl Broch, Pery Broad and prisoners Maximilian Sternol, Eliezer Eisenschmidt, Milton Buki, Shaul Chasan, Jiri Beranovsky, Filip Müller, Leon Cohen (see appendix S here) and in the 1944 buried handwriting of Salmen Lewenthal  (Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 240 f.).

Of course, testimonial evidence needs to be carefully analysed (as does documentary evidence by the way, even - or especially - German documents may contain selective and falsified information, see for instance Evidence on the systematic falsification of death causes in Auschwitz). But simply ignoring or dismissing without any profound reason is certainly not what is commonly understood under evaluation of evidence.
________________
 
In conclusion, both the numbers of prisoners working at the crematoria as well as the number of guards assigned to them (in German documents, speaking about it...) were extraordinary and anomalously high, which is evidence of heavy body disposal or some extremely sinister activity at the sites - or both.

On the other side, Revisionists failed to provide proper explanations for the huge and highly secured Sonderkommando at the crematoria within the framework of their hypothesis that no mass murder occurred in Auschwitz-Birkenau.

The Jäger Report (4)

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The Jäger Report (1)

The Jäger Report (2)

The Jäger Report (3)

The Jäger Report (5)

The Jäger Report (6)

The Jäger Report (7)

The Jäger Report (8)

The present blog addresses mass killings by Einsatzkommando 3 at Vilna (Vilnius) and Kaunas and isolated instances of Jewish resistance. Like in the previous blogs of this series, the information presented in this blog is mostly based on German historian Wolfram Wette’s biography of Karl Jäger (Wolfram Wette, Karl Jäger. Mörder der litauischen Juden, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2011, hereinafter "Wette, Jäger").




Unlike the executions in the smaller towns and villages of Lithuania, which required muchorganizational effort, the shootings in the Forts of Kaunas were easy to carry out, as were the mass executions in the forest at Paneriai near Vilnius, the other large murder site in Lithuania, which since August were carried out by an outpost of Einsatzkommando 3 commanded by SS-officers Peter Eisenbarth and Erich Wolff. Einsatzkommando 9 had already done some of the killing before EK 3 took over.

Eisenbarth and Wolff were part of a six man group of young SS leaders from the Security Service’s school in Berlin-Charlottenburg. They carried out their extermination tasks with great organizational talent and efficiency. In Vilna and at the Paneriai (Ponary) killing site they operated more or less independently within the framework of Jäger’s general guidelines. It is not known whether and how often Jäger was present at Paneriai. Two witnesses, Hans Greule and Fritz Hamann, claimed in 1959 that they had recognized Karl Jäger on a photo while he was giving an elder Jew the finishing shot at the Paneriai killing site (Wette, Jäger, page 107).

On page 8 of his report Jäger wrote that
The operations in Kauen itself, where reasonably sufficient trained partisans were available, can be considered as parade shootings compared to the often enormous difficulties that had to be dealt with outside.

The same applied to the killings at Paneriai, where the victims’ passivity created the notion of the Jews going "like sheep to the slaughter". The Jewish journalist Grigorij Schur, an eyewitness from the Vilna ghetto, noted the following in his diary:
"The people went to the slaughter like a herd of sheep, in complete apathy. Nobody uttered even the slightest protest, and until the last minute they clung to the treacherous hope that somehow they would remain alive, that a miracle would happen and they would be spared death."

(Schur, G., Die Juden von Wilna. Die Aufzeichnungen des Grigorij Schur 1941-1944, edited by Wladimir Porudominskij, Munich 1999, page 94, quoted in Wette, Jäger, p. 108, my translation.)

Yet there was also organized resistance in the Vilna Ghetto, which was organized with the help of Wehrmacht sergeant Anton Schmid. Sergeant Schmid commanded a small unit in Vilna whose task it was to collect German soldiers dispersed after battle and send them back to the front. Schmid temporarily saved several hundred Jews from extermination. On the night of New Year’s Eve 1941/42 a meeting of Jewish resistance fighters took place in sergeant Schmid’s quarters. It was decided at this meeting to circulate a proclamation drafted by partisan leader Abba Kovner, addressed to the young Jewish men in the ghettos who had so far escaped extermination. The proclamation contained the following appeal:
"Is is true, we are weak and helpless, but the only answer to the enemy is: resistance! Brothers! Better to die as free fighters than to live at the murderers’ mercy. Offer resistance! Resistance to the last breath."

(My translation of the German text quoted in Wette, Jäger after Sutzkever, Abraham, "Das Ghetto von Wilna", in: Grossman Vassili/Ilja Ehrenburg, Das Schwarzbuch. Der Genocid an den sowjetischen Juden. Reinbek bei Hamburg 1994, pp. 457-547 (pp. 504f.). Sutzkever’s report had originally been written in Yiddish in Moscow in 1944.)

Resistance was encountered by the Hamman mobile detachment (see part 3 of this series) at various locations in the Lithuanian countryside, the first time during a massacre that was recorded as follows on page 3 of the Jäger Report:

August 28, 41 Kedainiai 710 Jews, 767 Jewesses, 599 Jewish children 2,076

During this massacre, in which EK 3 and its Lithuanian auxiliaries killed the town’s entire Jewish population, a noteworthy incident is reported to have occurred: one of the Jews attacked two members of the execution detachment, dragged them into a pit and strangled one of them until he was shot himself. (Wette, Jäger, p. 110, citing an entry for Kedainiai in the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust. Further information about the Kedainiai massacre is available in the Holocaust Atlas of Lithuania.)

The village of Jubarkas (Georgenburg in German) had already been visited by a German mobile killing squad (Einsatzkommando 1 of Einsatzgruppe A) on 3 July 1941. On that occasion, 322 men and women had been shot. This massacre, which is mentioned in the blog Belzec Mass Graves and Archaeology - Continuation (1), became widely known due to the Ulm Einsatzgruppen Trial in 1958 (mentioned in the blog Jürgen Graf on Criminal Justice and Nazi Crimes).

Two months later Jubarkas was again visited by EK3, within the scope of activities recorded as follows on page 4 of the Jäger Report:
Aug 25 to Sept. 6, 41 Mopping up In Rasainiai 16 [Jews] 412 [Jewesses] 415 [Jewish children] 843
In Georgenburg all [Jews] all [Jewesses] all [Jewish children] 412

Jubarkas was home to the couple Moshe and Dora Krelitz and their daughter Esther. Moshe was the leader of the Zionist youth movement and organized training camps for a new beginning in a Jewish state. The entire family was shot on 6 September 1941 (Wette, Jäger, p. 111, citing the Stiftung Denkmal für die ermordeten Juden Europas).

The last operation of the Hamann mobile detachment took place on 2 October 1941 in Zagare. 2,236 Jews were killed – 633 men, 1,107 women and 496 children, as was recorded on page 5 of the Jäger Report, where it was also mentioned that "as these Jews were led away, a mutiny took place, which nonetheless was immediately put down. 150 Jews were immediately shot, [period not included in THHP translation - RM] 7 partisans were wounded." The resistance put up by the Jews in Zagare was considered so noteworthy that it was described in further detail in Operational Situation Report USSR No. 155 dated 11 January 1942, as follows (Wette, Jäger, page 111, my translation):
"Special activity was shown by the Jews in Zagare. There, on 2.10.1941, 50 Jews escaped from the already sealed ghetto. Most of them could be immediately captured and shot in the course of a large-scale scale search operation immediately carried out. At the execution of all Zagare Jews prepared thereupon, while the Jews were being taken away, the Jews upon an agreed sign attacked the guards and the members of the security police mobile detachment. Some of the Jews, who had not been searched thoroughly enough by the Lithuanian auxiliaries, pulled knives and pistols and with shouts like >long live Stalin< and >down with Hitler< jumped the police units employed, of whom 7 were wounded. After 150 Jews had been immediately shot, the transport of the remaining Jews to the execution site proceeded smoothly (reibungslos).

"Smoothness" such as mentioned in this report characterized the mass killings at Paneriai (Ponary), the largest Nazi killing site in Lithuania. Not only Jews, but also large numbers of non-Jews, mainly Poles and Soviet prisoners of war, were murdered here in the years 1941 to 1944.

A brochure about Ponary in Lithuanian, Polish and English mentions 59,000 to 70,000 Jews, 2,000 to 20,000 Poles, and an unspecified number of Gypsies, Tatars, Belarusians, Soviet prisoners of war, Lithuanian communists, officers and soldiers of a Lithuanian resistance army. This brochure contains much information about the killing site, including the perpetrators, the killing methods, the victims, the wartime efforts of the Polish underground to document the killings at Ponary, the Nazis' attempts to erase the traces of their crimes as well the history of the site following the Soviet re-occupation of Vilnius. The testimonies cited in the brochure are from victims or local bystanders, including an excerpt from the Ponary Diary of Polish journalist Kazimierz Sakowicz.

An archived page about Ponary Forest contains three accounts by German eyewitnesses, transcribed from Ernst Klee et el, The Good Old Days.

Memorials on the site are dedicated to various groups of victims – 2,948 murdered Soviet prisoners of war, 7,514 Soviet prisoners of war who died of disease and hunger in 1941, soldiers of the Armija Krajowa and other Polish citizens, Jews and non-Jewish Lithuanians.

The online Chronicles of the Vilna Ghetto include a photo gallery with images taken at Ponary during and after the Nazi occupation as well as present-day images of the site.

A series of photos from the Ponary site can also be found in the Yad Vashem photo archive. Below are links to some of the photos embedding the respective captions.

Ponary, Poland, Corpses.
Ponary, Poland, Corpses of murdered people.
Ponary, Poland, Doctors exhuming corpses.
Ponary, Vilna, Poland, 1945, Exhumation.
Ponary, Poland, Exposed bodies of victims in a mass grave.
Ponary, Poland, Corpses of Russian POWs.
Ponary, Poland, Three bodies in the sand.
Ponary, Poland, Bodies of the victims that were massacred there.
Ponary, Poland, Exhumation of corpses from ditches.
Ponary, Poland, The Soviet Army exhuming the bodies of those murdered in Ponary, August 1944.
Ponary, Poland, 1945, An exhumation.
Ponary, Poland, A covered mass grave.
Ponary, Poland, Human bones inside a Coffin.
Ponary, Poland, Two bodies in a pit.
Ponary, Poland, Postwar exhumation.
Ponary, Poland, A mass grave.
Ponary, Poland, Scattered clothing at the execution site, 1941.

Next part:
The Jäger Report (5)

We have another immortal statement ...

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... from "Revisionist" guru Friedrich Paul Berg, (a writer of "serious, dedicated works", according to "Thomas Dalton, Ph.D.).

Infuriated about my having rained on his parade in my post of Sat Sep 29, 2012 11:32 am, Berg produced the following pearl (screenshot):

For depraved imbeciles like Muehlenkrap as well as any new Arthur Harris's who might be lurking out there, I suggest they all be tied to stakes and drenched with gasoline with flaming torches nearby. That will be a learning experience for such "heroes." And if seeing the torches doesn't educate them, let them all burn--they earned it.

Please keep on showing what you're all about, Fredo. It's very much appreciated.

Reconstructing the "Scholars' Debate" about Auschwitz

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In 2004 the now extinct original RODOH forum hosted a debate, known as the "Scholar' Debate", between the "Negationist Team", led nominally by the late Dr. Robert Countess and effectively by Scott Smith, and the "Veritas Team", led by Stephen Mock and including Sergey Romanov and myself.

The topic of the debate was the following:

"Resolved, at Auschwitz/Birkenau between 1941 and 1944, a) people were killed in homicidal gas chambers employing Zyklon B, and b) this killing claimed hundreds of thousands of victims."

The submissions of this debate are being reconstructed in the section "Scholars Debate" (2004 + under re-construction) of the new RODOH forum.

The opening statement of the "Veritas Team" has already been posted.

The Jäger Report (5)

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The Jäger Report (1)

The Jäger Report (2)

The Jäger Report (3)

The Jäger Report (4)

The Jäger Report (6)

The Jäger Report (7)

The Jäger Report (8)

The present blog contains accounts of massacres organized by Einsatzkommando 3 in the Kaunas (Kowno) ghetto and the killing of mentally handicapped people by this unit. Like in the previous blogs of this series, the information presented in this blog is mostly based on German historian Wolfram Wette’s biography of Karl Jäger (Wolfram Wette, Karl Jäger. Mörder der litauischen Juden, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2011, hereinafter "Wette, Jäger").




The extermination of sick ghetto inhabitants

On 26 September 1941 there was a massacre in Fort VI at Kaunas that especially targeted sick ghetto inhabitants. It was carried out by the 3rd Company of Police Battalion 11 under the command of Captain Alfred Tornbaum and Lieutenant Iltmann. This massacre was mentioned as follows on page 4 of the Jäger Report:
Sept. 26, 41 Kauen 412 Jews, 615 Jewesses, 581 J children 1,608
(Sick or suspected of carrying epidemics) [This information is missing in the THHP translation – RM.]

The next exterminatory operation took place on 4 October 1941 and claimed 1,845 victims. Jäger’s report mentioned it as follows:
Oct. 4, 41 Kauen - F. IX 315 Jews, 712 Jewesses, 818 J Children (punishment operation because a German policeman was shot at in the ghetto) 1,845

The Kaunas Jews called this massacre the "Small Ghetto Action". One of the eyewitnesses was the already mentioned Jewish ghetto policemen Jehoshua Rosenfeld. He recalled the following (Wette, Jäger, p. 116, my translation):
In the night of 3.10. to 4.10.1941 I was on night duty in the second Jewish police station, which was opposite to the Small Ghetto.
At this point I wish to briefly mention that the Big Ghetto and the Small Ghetto were separated from each other by the Panerus street. The Big and the Small Ghetto were connected by a footbridge across the Panerus street. In the twilight we heard shots. When we left the station, we saw that men of the 3rd Police Company had surrounded and partially entered into the Small Ghetto. The policemen who had entered the Small Ghetto took the Jews out of their apartments and collected them in a square. After selecting those able to work, who were taken to the Big Ghetto via the already mentioned footbridge, the remaining 600 not able to work were brought to Fort IX. As the road leading to Fort IX. could be well seen from the ghetto, I think there is no doubt about the direction of the march. […] As confirmation that the 600 from the Small Ghetto were shot at Fort IX I would like to mention that Jewish working detachments (the detachment working at the Gestapo) had to sort the clothes of those killed the next day. This was reported by members of this working detachment when they returned to the ghetto in the evening. It was the detachment led by Lipzer. Here I may mention that Lipzer himself perished in the liquidation of the ghetto.

The killing was again carried out by members of the 3rd Company of Police Battalion 11, who furthermore set fire to the entire hospital complex, causing all patients, doctors and nurses to perish in the flames. Joheved lnciuriene provided the following account of this killing, to which her own family fell victim (Wette, Jäger, page 117, quoting from lnciuriene, Joheved, "Rettung und Widerstand in Kaunas", in: Bartosvicius/Tauber/Wette, Holocaust in Litauen, pp. 201-217 (p. 207); my translation):
In this operation, unlike in the previous one, all those taken to Fort IX were shot. The hospital for contagious diseases was set on fire; the patients, the doctors and the nursing personnel perished in the flames without exception. Only those Jews who had a so-called "Jordan pass", which the Gestapo issued to specialized workers of use to them, were allowed to move to the Big Ghetto over the footbridge crossing the Panerus street.

Jewish ghetto policeman Jehoshua Rosenfeld also saw the Kaunas ghetto hospital burst into flames. His description was the following (Wette, Jäger, p. 117, my translation):
[The hospital] was a former three-story elementary school in the middle of the Small Ghetto, which was far taller than the one-story houses around, so that one could clearly see the fire. In the hospital, which had previously been nailed shut, both the windows and the exits from the ground-level floor, all patients as well as the nurses and the doctor on duty (Dr. Davidovich) were burned. The persons who tried to jump out of the upper stories' windows were shot by the police marksmen spread out around the hospital as soon as they appeared by the windows.

The killings on 4 October 1941 were also described by Rosa Simon, the wife of a paper wholesale trader from Frankfurt who had emigrated to the Lithuanian capital in 1933 (Wette, Jäger, p. 117, quoting from Simon’s report dated 6.12.1958 with the title Erinnerungsbericht über die Tragödie der Juden in Kowno, kept in the Hessian State Archives, Wiesbaden, Germany; my translation):
The Jews were collected like a herd of cattle, brought to the fort and shot with machine guns. We saw the sad procession with despair in our hearts and could only shout ‘Shma Israel’. On the same day our hospital, filled with patients, doctors and nursing personnel, was set on fire and burned. Can there be anything more cruel?

Murder of mentally handicapped people

Two entries in the Jäger report mention the killing of mentally handicapped persons.

One of these entries, on page 3, translates as follows:
August 22, 41 Aglona Mentally ill: 269 men, 227 women, 48 children 544

About this massacre Jäger sent a more detailed report to his superior SS-Brigadeführer Stahlecker, the commander of Einsatzgruppe A, with the following information (Wette, Jäger, p. 118, citing Operational Situation Report USSR Nr. 88 dated 19.9.1941, my translation):
On 22.8., 544 mentally ill from among the inmates of the Aglona madhouse were liquidated with support from the Lithuanian self-defense. 10 men, who can be considered healed with defect, will be released after sterilization to be carried out by the head of the institution Dr. Berg. After this measure the madhouse no longer exists. The further use of the nursing personnel (about 150) to care for the troops or to install a hospital shall be clarified in communication with the local field command post.

At his interrogation by officials of the Landeskriminalamt Baden-Württemberg (the crime investigation bureau of the German federal state Baden-Württemberg) in June 1959, Jäger provided a self-apologetic account of these killings, in which he portrayed himself as the savior of those mental patients that had been allowed to live, increased their number while reducing the number of those killed, and tried to make believe that all mental patients had been adult males. On pages 24 and 25 of the interrogation record, the following claims of Jäger’s are reproduced (my translation):
Upon further question which places I can remember where Hamann with his detachment carried out shootings of Jews, I can mention the following:

                                        Rasainiai            Mariampol
                                        Olita                  Ukmerge
                                       Aglona               Dünaburg
                                       Schaulen            Wilna

The number of people shot, dates or exact times of shootings I can no longer provide. I assume that I read the names of these places in event reports prepared by my office and signed by me.[...]

Except for Aglona I never saw the shooting sites at these places myself. About Aglona I still know that there was a madhouse there with about 200 mentally ill – as far as I can remember. Why I came to Aglona and when this was I can no longer say. I consider it possible that I had knowledge of the intended shooting of this sanatorium’s mentally ill and drove there for this reason. It may also be that I touched this place on occasion of another service trip. I can remember with certainty that when I arrived in Aglona I only found a doctor and a nurse with a remainder of 20 to 30 mentally ill. Of the sanatorium installations themselves and the location of the buildings I no longer have a memory. I only remember that the nurse and the doctor were in a hall with the mentally ill. The doctor stated upon my question that this remainder of 20 to 30 patients were light cases, which could be cured. I thereupon stated that these patients would not be shot. As far as I can remember they were mentally ill Lithuanians, only men, I saw no women and children. Whether there were Jews among them I don’t know, it is possible.

The other entry in the Jäger report about the killing of mentally ill people, on page 4, refers to the massacre at Marijampole on 1 September 1941 and translates as follows:
Sept. 1, 41 Mariampole 1,763 Jews, 1,812 Jewesses 1,404 Jewish children, 109 mentally ill, 1 fem. German national who was married to a Jew, 1 fem. Russian 5,090


The "Big Action" on 29 October 1941

The larges massacre among the Kaunas Ghetto's Jews was described as follows on page 5 of the Jäger Report:
Oct. 29, 41 Kauen - F. IX 2007 Jews, 2920 Jewesses 4273 Jewish children (cleansing of superfluous Jews from the ghetto)    9,200

The Jewish ghetto policeman Rosenfeld was eyewitness to parts of this operation. According to this witness Jäger himself was present at the "selection" of the victims, which was mainly carried out by SS-officer Helmut Rauca of EK3, called the "Butcher of the Ghetto" by the ghetto’s inhabitants. About the preparations for this huge operation Rosenfeld reported the following (Wette, Jäger, pp. 119-121, my translation):
Then came the Big Action. On Thursday, 23.10.1941, Rauca, Stütz and Jordan had come to the Council of Elders and demanded that until 28.10.1941 they be given a list of 8,000 persons also meant for resettlement to the Lupin [Lublin] area. On the same day the Council of Elders sent the Germans its rejection. Thereupon on Friday, 24.10.1941, Jordan went alone to Elkes and transmitted the order that on 28.10. in the morning all ghetto inhabitants were to gather in the Democrats Square. This order was issued threatening that those who remained in their apartments would be shot. In the Democrats Square the entire population had to deploy in groups of one thousand according to the labor detachment they belonged to. According to my recollection there were more than 30 such columns. I know this because the Jewish police, of which I was a member, was in charge of the deployment. The Elders, the ghetto police and the ghetto employees with their relatives formed the first group, which could pass complete without being bothered. Upon remonstration I now again remember that there followed the airport detachment with all members – about 5 to 7 columns of one thousand.
The selection whose commencement I described began at 10 hours. It was essentially carried out by Rauca. Of the groups of one thousand moving forward five abreast he uninterruptedly selected those able to work to the right and those not able to work to the left, without taking into consideration family membership or other human bonds. This went on until 15 hours. At about this time Rauca and his Gestapo people went away, obviously because the selection target had been reached. The remaining 5 or 6 columns of one thousand thereupon passed Lieutenant Iltmann, who however selected only few persons, about 30 very old and infirm. Captaim Thornbaum did not take part in the selection, he only walked around all the time supervising his people. Head Constable Blaszke with a detachment of his people searched the houses for people who had remained behind or were in hiding.


For about half an hour or an hour in the morning Jäger was also present. He only stood there and watched the procedure. I had not yet seen Jäger until then. Lipzer, who knew him well because he led the working detachment for the Gestapo office buildings, told me that this was Jäger. The person that Lipzer described to me as Jäger I remember as having been huge and strong. He wore an SS-uniform with a peaked cap. His rank insignia I can no longer clearly remember. […] I still know that Jäger was an SS-Standartenführer.

Jordan was also present at this action. He walked around all day and stood nearby Rauca. He did nothing himself. Also present was Hauptscharführer Stütz. Stütz also only supervised. Furthermore the city commandant Kramer was present at the time when Jäger was also present. He and Jäger were talking. Of the other participants, namely the entire 3rd Police Company and the Lithuanian guards company under the command of a Lithuanian air force lieutenant, I cannot provide anyone’s name.

Those selected were first brought through an opening especially created for this purpose in groups of hundreds to the Small Ghetto, where they had to spend the night. The next morning we could watch those selected being led to Fort IX. From there shots could be heard the whole day and the whole night.

The Jewish boy Solly Ganor, who on 28 October 1941 had made it through the selection with his whole family, could watch the death march of the 9,000 meant to die the next morning from the window of his ghetto apartment (Wette, Jäger, page 121, citing Ganor, Solly, Light one Candle, New York 1996, translated to German by Sabine Zaplin as Das andere Leben. Kindheit im Holocaust, Frankfurt a.M. 1997, pp. 107f.; my translation):
The horrible scream from Fanny [Solly’s sister] woke me up the next morning. I sat up in my bed and still saw how she tried to hold on to the window sill. Then her knees gave in and she fell to the ground. We rushed to the window. In the grey light of dawn we saw an endless column of people walking up the hill in the direction of Fort IX. A human queue kilometers long. This had nothing of the cruelty of the many bloody scenes that I had seen so far, and yet it was a thousand times worse. An unexplainable force drew us to the ghetto fence, where others had already gathered. Armed Lithuanians were lining both sides of the road as far as the eye could see, ready to shoot whoever tried to flee. It is impossible to describe the lamentations of those who recognized their relatives. The column was so long that the death march lasted from the break of day until noon. But we didn’t stand it for long and stumbled away before. […] Although Fort Nine was several kilometers away we heard the unmistakable rattling of machine guns.

Of the thousands killed that day a single person survived to tell the story of the massacre to posterity. His name was Kuki Kopelman, he was 13 years old and a friend of Solly Ganor’s. His mother, Vera Schor, was a famous pianist and his father a known chess player. Days after the massacre Kuki appeared at night at his friend Solly’s place in a coat that was much too large for him and issued a strange smell. He told Solly what had happened after the participants in the death march had arrived at Fort IX (Wette, Jäger, pp. 122-24, citing Ganor, as above, pp. 118, 119, 126; my translation):
German and Lithuanian guards stood at the gate with dogs who tore at their leash, growled and barked. We were chased through the gates. In the yard stood trucks with running motors. Sometimes they misfired, and that sounded like shots. A young German officer addressed us. "You will be taken to work camps in the east. Now you will first take a shower, and then you will receive working clothes. Undress and place your clothes here." He spoke in a civil tone, and despite all we knew about this place of horror we let ourselves be convinced by him. But any however small shimmer of hope was gone when we heard the long machine gun salvo and the screams. The Germans had also heard it, for now they turned their rifles on us. "Fast, you Jews! Undress and to the showers!" shouted an officer. "What you hear there are only the misfires of the trucks." But nobody moved, nobody seemed capable of moving a muscle. Quietly the officer went to an elder men close to him, lifted the Luger and shot him in the face. A head burst, and brain spluttered into the dirt when he fell to the ground. Suddenly all were undressing. When you are close to death each minute is precious, as if the next second would bring deliverance. Finally we all stood there naked, covering our private parts with the hands and trembling in the cold.

At the order of an officer the Germans and Lithuanians attacked us. "Run, run, you Jewish pigs", they shouted and hit us with sticks and rifle butts. The dogs attacked the slower ones and tore flesh out of their legs and buttocks. In wild panic we started to run, the guards and dogs after us. One could see how the bodies were steaming when they chased us around the wall. Then we turned the corner and saw dozens upon dozens of machine guns set up around an open field. They were firing into an enormous pit. I heard how they were screaming therein. I went almost mad with fear. I wanted to stand still, run away, flee, but a mass of wildly rushing bodies surrounded me like a straitjacket.

Germans and Lithuanians with their sleeves rolled up and red faces were loading and shooting into the crowd. Yellow flashes came from their rifle muzzles. A haze of blue smoke carried across the field. It was a scene of hell. Hoarse shouts, shrill screams of women, yelling children and babies, barking dogs. It stank of sweat and piss and shit. I saw a bearded man standing by the pit, his fists lifted up to the sky. "Jews!" he shouted. "There is no God! There’s a devil up there!" Blood ran down from his body, and they were shooting at him all the time, but he remained standing there and screamed at the sky. We had reached the pit. Thousands of corpses lay there, one upon the other, they were twisting and screaming and begging the Germans to finally put an end to it. It was hell, hell.

Kuki was dragged into the pit and buried alive there, squeezed between the many corpses. He gradually managed to free himself and drag himself out of the pit. The murderers were sitting in the fort and getting drunk. Kuki found the pile of clothes left behind by the condemned, took out a huge coat and fled to the fields in the direction of the Kaunas ghetto. He finished his account with the following remark:
You cannot imagine how glad I was to be back in the ghetto. I could have kissed every crooked house, every dirty cobblestone. It was good to be back home, no matter how bad it was there.

Jewish ghetto policeman Rosenfeld made the following observations after this operation (Wette, Jäger, page 124, my translation):
The clothes of the persons shot in this operation at Fort IX were brought with trucks to Kowno to the Gestapo office building. There, like after the previous operation, the Gestapo working detachment had to sort the things. On hand of identification documents, photographs and other personal belongings found on this occasion it was clearly established that these belonged to persons who had been affected by the big action.

There is no photographic evidence to illustrate the horrors described by Kuki Kopelman, the lone survivor of the massacre at Kaunas’ Fort IX on 29 October 1941. Other massacres committed in the occupied Soviet territories by Nazi mobile killing squads were, however, photographed by the killers themselves or by bystanders who were with the killers. Thus there are photographs from shootings at Sdolbunov, Ponary, Liepaja and Ivangorod. The blog Photographic documentation of Nazi crimes includes photos from the Sdolbunov and Liepaja killings (numbers 1.1.18, 1.1.19, 1.1.66, 2.2.2), a photo showing an open mass grave by the Podolian town of Proskuriv (number 2.1.1) and another showing a scene from a mass shooting near Mogilev on 19.10.1941 (number 2.3.16), among other photos taken during or after mass shootings. Some such photos are also shown in the blog What it was like, about the liquidation of the Zloczow ghetto in April 1943. The blog Photos from the German East includes photos showing shooting victims in the Bikernieki Forest near Riga and a mass execution in the area of Einsatzkommando 8. The blog June 22, 1941 includes links to three photographs from the Yad Vashem photo archive captioned as pertaining to the Kamenets-Podolsk massacre on 27 and 28 August 1941:

Kamenets Podolskiy, Ukraine, Bodies, August 1941.
Kamenets Podolsk, Ukraine, Bodies, August 1941.
Kamenets Podolski, Ukraine, A pile of corpses.

These photos provide a faint idea of the kind of hell that Kuki Kopelman witnessed on the morning of 29 October 1941 at Kaunas’ Fort IX.

Yad Vashem’s Central Database of Shoah Victims' Names contains no information about the ultimate fate of Kuki Kopelman. However, it contains the following information about Muma Kopelman, the boy’s father:
Muma Kopelman was born in Russia (USSR) in 1891 to Salomon and Sheindl. He was an agent and married to Wera nee Schor. During the war he was in Russia (USSR). Muma was murdered in Kowno, Lithuania. This information is based on a Page of Testimony (displayed on left) submitted by his brother.


Next part:
The Jäger Report (6)

Testimonies of prisoners (hearsay) on mass extermination in Auschwitz

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The following compilation belongs to the blog post Index of published evidence on mass extermination in Auschwitz and Auschwitz-Birkenau. It was necessarily "outsourced" as the blog software could not handle the large amount of text anymore. 



Testimonies of prisoners [hearsay] (185)

  • Mariana Adam (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], declaration of 20 February 1963 [read out on 16 November 1964 at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial][Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Vera Alexander (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 6 April 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Erich Altmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 5 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Felix Amann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 18 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Augusta Amram (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account of 1 July 1946 [Leo Baeck Institute, ME 1170. MM II 36] (on gassing Auschwitz)
  • Wojciech Barcz (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 9 April 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Daniel Bard (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 17 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Erwin Bartel (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 1959 (West-German investigators), examination of 17 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 and gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Johan Beckmann (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 12 February 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Emil Bednarek (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 6 February 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau) 
  • Aron Bejlin (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 28 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)   
  • Jiri Beranovsky (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of early 1945 (Soviet investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 37], examination of 17 April 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium main camp and in Birkenau) 
  • Paul Bergmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 30 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Mauritius Berner (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 17 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Cyla Oniman Biderman (prisoner) [hearsay], account of 1945 [Leo Baeck Institute, ME 1120. MM II 32] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jerzy Bielecki (Polish political prisoner) [possibly hearsay], interview by the BBC [Rees, Auschwitz] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
  • Walter Blass (prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 1945 (US military) [Hackett, The Buchenwald Report, p.?] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jozef Bodek (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 20 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Gisela Böhm (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 19 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Fritz Buchholz (Political prisoner [unclear], interrogation 2 April 1945 (US military) [Stephen Tyas, Allied Intelligence Agencies and the Holocaust: Information Acquired from German Prisoners of War](on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Peter Budan (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 16 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz) 
  • Edward Burakowski (Political prisoner [hearsay], examination of 26 April 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau) 
  • Rosje Corper-Blik (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 12 April 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau) 
  • Helene Cougno (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 17 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in the crematoria in the main camp and in Birkenau)
  • Charles Coward (British POW) [hearsay], examination of 19 February 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Leon Czekalski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 8 May 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Block 11 and crematorium in the main camp)
  • Abraham de la Penha (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 26 March 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Emil de Martini (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 4 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 as well as of Jews) 
  • Hermann Diamanski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 19 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Witold Dowgint-Nieciunski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 29 January 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Waclaw Dowgint-Nieciunski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 8 March 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau) 
  • Heinrich Dürmayer (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 22 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Albert Ehrenfeld (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 17 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Alois Eisenhändler (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 24 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Jan Farber (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 2 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Walter Benjamin Feiden (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], interview of 16 March 2010 [Leo Baeck Institute, AHC 4114] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Wladyslaw Fejkiel (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 29 May 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in of Russian POWs and sick inmates Block 11 and generally in Auschwitz) 
  • Hans Werner Fiege (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 13 October 1964, Frankfurt (West-German investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz) 
  • Hans Frankenthal (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 9 March 1964, Frankfurt [[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jonas Friedrich (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 31 August 1962, Kissingen (West-German investigators), examination of 11 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Max Friedrich (Gypsy prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 11 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Arie Fuks (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 16 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Adolf Gawalewicz (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 11 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau) 
  • Leon Gelberger (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], deposition of (?) (on gassing in Auschwitz
  • Josef Glück (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 20 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Helen Goldmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 13 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Simon Gotland (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay on gassing, grave digger], examination of 27 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Gerhard Grande (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 10 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Wolf Grosman (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 11 September 1959, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Israeil Gutman (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account published as book in 1957 (Gutman, Anashim ve Efer, quoted in Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 213] (on mass extermination in Auschwitz)
  • Elisabeth Guttenberger (Gypsy prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 2 February 1965, Pforzheim (West-German court) [Auschwitz trial DVD], interview of (?) by West German Broadcasting [Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 131] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Vladimír Hanak (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examinations of 13 and 19 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Kitty Hart (Jewish prisoner) [probably hearsay], account published as book in 1962 [Hart, I am alive, quoted in Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 82] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Fenny Herrmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 9 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Heinz Herrmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 28 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Friedrich Hirsch (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 7 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block in the main camp and gassing in Auschwitz)    
  • Hanna Hoffmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account [Langbein, People in Auschwitz, p. 66] (on gassing Auschwitz)
  • Tadeusz Holuj (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 27 February 1962, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 12 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Werner Jakob (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 13 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in Birkenau) 
  • Nathan Jakubowitz (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 24 May 1960, Frankfurt (West-German police), examination of 3 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Raya Kagan (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account published as book in 1947 [Kagan, Hell’S Office Women], examination of 31 July 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Frankfurt Auschwitz trial] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
  • Jerzy Kanal (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 16 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Adam Karwowski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 3 December 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Max Kasner (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 15 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Rudolf Kauer (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 6 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Benedikt Kautsky (Austrian political prisoner) [hearsay], account published as book in 1961 [Kautsky, Teufel und Verdammte, quoted in Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 88] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Mieczyslaw Kieta (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 31 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Karel Klein (Jewish prisoner) [prisoner], examination of 28 January 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Stanislaw Klodzinski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 22 May 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp and gassing in Birkenau)
  • Kurt Knuth-Siebenlist (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 3 December 1959, Hamburg (West-German investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jo Koopman (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account of 1945 [Koopman, A handful of men. Notes of an Auschwitz surviver; Leo Baeck Institute, ME 370. MM 46] (on gassing Auschwitz)
  • Alfred Korn (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 9 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)   
  • Ludwik Kowalczyk (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 14 May 1960, Cracow (Polish authorities) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)   
  • Tadeusz Kowalczyk (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 19 August 1963, Hamburg (West-German investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Józef Koczorowski (Political prisoner) [probably hearsay], deposition of 6 September 1946 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 44] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)  
  • Erna Krafft (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 2 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)   
  • Jozef Kral (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 21 May 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
  • Männe Kratz (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 21 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Adrienne Krausz (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 29 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Artur Krzetuski  (Polish political prisoner) [probably hearsay], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 263]
  • Jan Krokowksi (Political prisoner) [hearsay], deposition of 17 July 1946 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 44] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
  • Johann Krokowski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 10 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau) 
  • Michael Kruczek (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 22 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs in the main camp)
  • Werner Krumme (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 7 January 1963, Munich (West-German investigators), examination of 9 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Hersz Kugelmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 21 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Erich Kulka (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 16 and 23 April 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Otto Dov Kulka (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay, from Sonderkommando Filip Müller], interrogation of 13 June 1962, Jerusalem (Israeli authorities), examination of 30 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau) 
  • Herbert Kurz (Criminal prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 16 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)    
  • Jakob Laks (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 9 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)   
  • Simon Laks (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account published as book in 1948 [Laks, Musiques d'un autre monde, quoted in Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 179] [on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau]
  • Lasker-Wallfisch (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account of [Leo Baeck Institute, ME 305. MM 47] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Aleksandr Lebedev (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 1 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 and crematorium in the main camp and gassing of Jews in Birkenau)
  • Viktor Lederer (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 5 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz) 
  • Jan Leitner (Czech prisoner) [unclear], interrogation of 17 March 1945  (US military) [Stephen Tyas, Allied Intelligence Agencies and the Holocaust: Information Acquired from German Prisoners of War] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Primo Levi (Jewish political prisoner) [hearsay], account published as book in 1947 [Levi, If This Is a Man] [on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Ella Lingens-Reiner (Austrian political prisoner) [hearsay], account published as book in 1948 [Lingens-Reiner, Prisoners of fear, quoted in Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 100] (on mass extermination in Auschwitz)
  • Walter Löbner (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], testimony of 14 May 1945, Kremmen, examination of 20 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Bunker extermination sites in Birkenau)
  • Siegbert Loeffler (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 21 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Salo Looser (prisoner) [hearsay], sworn statement of 5 June 1946, Leipzig (East-German authorities) [Manuscript by Henry Stanton, The Story of Paul Hinrichsen - Auschwitz Victim; Leo Baeck Institute, MS 244. MSF 17] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Kurt Löw (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 30 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Samuel Lubowski (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 21 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Max Mahlberg (Criminal prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 21 December 1959 (West-German police/investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • David Matzner (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account of [Leo Baeck Institute, ME 825. MM II 8] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Marian Mikolajzc (Polish political prisoner) [unclear, possibly eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 274] (on gassing in the main camp)
  • Lilly Spora Majerczyk (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 17 April 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Erich Markowitsch (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 4 February 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Helen Mehler (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 16 August 1960, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Albert Menache (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay],  account published as book in 1947 [Albert Menashe, Birkenau: Auschwitz II, quoted in Adler, Auschwitz: Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 59] (on extermination in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Jozef Mikusz (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 26 April 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Block 11 in the main camp and gassing in Auschwitz) 
  • Pjotr Mischin (Russian POW) [hearsay], examination of 29 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing Auschwitz)  
  • Marek Montag (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 23 July 1964, Frankfurt ([Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing Auschwitz)  
  • Paul Morgenstern (Gypsy prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 16 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing Auschwitz) 
  • Eugeniusz Motz (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 20 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
  • Feliks Mylyk (Political prisoner) [hearsay], deposition of 21 September 1964 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 45], examination of 31 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp and gassing in Birkenau)
  • Sarah Nebel (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 2 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Josef Neumann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 2 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Eugeniusz Niedojadlo (Political prisoner) [probably hearsay], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 271] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Tadeusz Paczula (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 30 April 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Willibald Pajak (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 9 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Anna Palarczyk (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 15 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Stanislaw Pawliczek [Polish political prisoner] (hearsay), letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 264]
  • Boris Piekny (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 22 April 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jan Pilecki (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 14 May 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jozef Polak (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 28 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Ladislav Polednik (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 12 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Curt Posener (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 26 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Barbara Pozimska (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 4 March 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz) [Frankfurt Auschwitz trial] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • George Preston (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 4 March 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Wilhelm Prokop (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 18 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Andrzej Rablin (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 24 June 1959, Cracow (Polish authorities) [[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Artur Radvansky (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 9 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Macha Ravine (Jewish prisoner) [probably hearsay], account of (?) [Pozner, Abstieg in die Hölle, p. 87, quoted in Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone, p. 139] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Ludwik Rajewski (Political prisoner) [probably hearsay], deposition of 7 September 1946 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 44] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 in the main camp)
  • Hermann Reineck (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 5 June 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD]  (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Hans Röhrig (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 14 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Paula Rosenberg (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 24 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Izrael Rozenborn (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], deposition of 24 May 1945, Lod
  • Alex Rosenstock (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 2 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Maryla Rosenthal (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 13 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Franz Ruprecht (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 23 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Rudolf Rybka (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 19 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Paul Schaffer (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 11 January 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Ella Salomon (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 19 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Grete Salus (Jewish prisoner) [probably hearsay], account published as book in 1958 [Salus, Eine Frau erzählt, quoted in Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 95] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jenny Schaner (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examinations of 20 April 1964 and 5 February 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
  • Pinchas Schwarzbaum (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 4 March 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Rudolf von Sebestyen (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 20 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Georg Severa (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 20 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Jozef Seweryn (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 22 May 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD]  (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Severina Shmaglevskaya (Polish political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 27 February 1946, Nuremberg (Allied trial proceeding)
  • Friedrich Skrein (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 13 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Kazimierz Smolen (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 25 May 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz) 
  • Zygmunt Smuzewski (Political prisoner) [probably hearsay], deposition of 5 February 1946 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 45]
  • Tadeusz Snieszko (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 11 January 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Czeslaw Sowul (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 30 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Bruno Stein (Gypsy prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 22 April 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Samuel Steinberg (Jewish prisoner) [probably hearsay], account of ? (shortly after the war) [Konzentrationslager Dokument F 321] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Rudolf Steiner (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 3 April 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Zdenel and Jiri Steiner (Jewish prisoners) [hearsay], testimony of summer 1945 (Jewish Agency, Prag) [Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 126] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Stanislaw Suliborski (Polish political prisoner) [hearsay], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 268] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
  • Maria Swiderska-Swieratowa (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 25 May 1964, [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Tadeusz Szewczyk (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 27 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Dawid Szmidt (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 31 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jan Szpalerski (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 15 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in Birkenau)
  • Konrad Szweda (Polish prisoner) [unclear, possibly hearsay], manuscript of (?) [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 270] (on gassing in Block 11 in the main camp)
  • Tadeusz Szymanski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 11 January 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jerzy Tabeau(Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 12 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Abraham Tamir (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay, examination of 20 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Franciszek Targosz (Political prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 23 August 1962, Bielsko-Biała (Czech authorities) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in the main camp and gassing in crematorium in the main camp as well as in Birkenau)
  • Roman Taul (Political prisoner) [unclear, possibly eyewitness], deposition of 10 September 1946 (Polish investigators)[Mattogno, ATFG, p. 45], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 271](on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
  • A. Trautmann (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account of (?) [Leo Baeck Institute, ME 645. MM 78] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Leon Turalski (Polish political prisoner) [hearsay], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski[Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 265] (on gassing of sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
  • Leon Uchwat (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 10 September 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Marie Claude Vaillant-Couturier (French political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 28 January 1946, Nuremberg (Allied trial proceeding)
  • Celine van der Hoek (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 12 April 1965, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Anton van Velsen (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 23 March 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium and Bunker extermination site in Birkenau)
  • Dounia Zlata Wasserstrom (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 23/24 April 1964[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Hermann Weihrauch (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 16 March 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Jan Weis (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 6 November 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Berta Weiss (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], interrogation of 4 April 1963, Vienna (Austrian authorities/West-German investigators)[Auschwitz trial DVD](on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Janda Weiss (Jewish prisoner) [probably hearsay], interrogation of 1945 (US military) [Hackett, The Buchenwald Report, p. 351] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Alfred Wetzler (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 5 November 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Mine Winter (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], account of 1965 [Leo Baeck Institute, ME 688. MM 82] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Otto Wolken (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 24 February 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
  • Ludwig Wörl (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 6 April 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Alfred Woycicki (Political prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 29 May 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
  • Adam Zacharski (Political prisoner) [hearsay], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski[Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 271] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
  • Lili Zelmanovic (Jewish prisoner) [hearsay], examination of 3 December 1964, Frankfurt[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)

Index of published evidence on mass extermination in Auschwitz and Auschwitz-Birkenau

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The following is a list of evidence on large scale killings in the Auschwitz camp complex, in particular - but not limited to - homicidal gassing. The aim is to highlight the range, diversification and scale of the published evidence on mass extermination in Auschwitz.


The index already includes a large bunch of material, but is still far from being complete or nearly complete. So more items will be added when new sources are obtained. The readers of this blog are also encouraged to provide any additions and corrections. We would also be happy to include previously unpublished sources if they can be released here.

The references have been shortened as far as possible, a bibliography with full references will be provided in the future. The DVD "Digitale Bibliothek 101: Der Auschwitz-Prozess" is referenced as [Auschwitz trial DVD], all cited accounts from this source can be also accessed here

Revisionist Carlo Mattogno's books have been abbreviated as follows: ACI - Auschwitz: Crematorium I, ASS - Auschwitz: assistenza sanitaria, ATFG - Auschwitz: The First Gassing, ATCFS - Auschwitz: The Case For Sanity, STIA - Special Treatment in Auschwitz, TBOA - The Bunkers of Auschwitz



Contemporary German documents

  • List of constructions of 31 March 1942 on “5 horse stable barracks | special treatment” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 36]
  • Letter from central construction office Auschwitz to SS-WVHA of 9 June 1942 on “erection of 4 horse stable barracks for special treatment of the Jews [Mattogno, STIA, p. 36]
  • List of barracks of 30 June 1942 on “effect barracks for special treatment 3 pieces” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 36]
  • Estimate of costs of 15 July 1942 on “4 barracks for special treatment of prisoners in Birkenau” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 27]
  • Explanatory report of 15 July 1942 on “5 barracks for special treatment of detainees” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 37]
  • List of barracks of 17 July 1942 on “Purpose: special treatment Type: 260/9 Needed: 5 Erected: 3 Still to erect: 2” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 37]
  • Memo of Fritz Ertl of 21 August 1942 on „bathing installations for special actions" [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 440]
  • Radio signal of 26 August 1942 on “material [Zyklon-B] for special treatment” [Death Books From Auschwitz: Remnants, Vol. I, p. 144]
  • Letter from Kurt Prüfer of 8 September 1942 on "the number of muffles [37 with a capacity of 1850 corpses per day] is not yet sufficient; we should deliver more ovens as quick as possible" [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 442]
  • Travel permit of Arthur Liebehenschel of 14 September 1942 on “5 trucks…for special actions” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 135]
  • Report from Fritz Sanders of 14 September 1942 on "stuffing the individual muffles with several corpses" [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 443]
  • Radio signal of 15 September 1942 on “experimental station for field ovens Aktion Reinhard” [Johannes Tuchel, Inspektion der Konzentrationslager 1938-1945, p. 176]
  • Report of 17 September 1942 on “inspection of special facility” in Chelmno and order for “a ball mill for substances” [Shmuel Krakowski, Das Todeslager Chełmno/Kulmhof: Der Beginn der"Endlösung", p. 120, English translation)
  • Speech of Oswald Pohl of 23 September 1942 on “special tasks, about which we do not have to speak words” [The Van Pelt report, VI Blueprints of the Genocide]
  • Order of 5 October 1942 on “doors for special t[reatment] of the Jews” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 48]
  • Letter from Heinrich Bischoff to SS-WVHA of 13 October 1942 on “due to the situation created by the special actions, the construction of the crematorium had to be begun immediately just this past July” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 62]
  • Patent draft from Fritz Sanders of 26 October 1942 on “continuously operating corpse cremation oven for mass use” [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 450]
  • List of construction projects of 28 October 1942 on "POW camp Auschwitz (carrying out the special treatment)" [Florian Freund et al., Der Bau des Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz-Birkenau]
  • Report from Heinrich Bischoff of 4 November 1942 on “special cellar” in crematorium 2 [Mattogno, ATCFS, volume 1, p. 81]
  • List of 15 November 1942 on “5 barracks for special treatment” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 37]
  • Memo from Fritz Wolter of 27 November 1942 on “special cellars” in crematorium 2 [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 180]
  • Assignement of barracks of 8 December 1942 on “Purpose: special treatment (old) Type: 260/9 Needed: 5 Erected: 5” in Birkenau [Mattogno, STIA, p. 37]
  • Reportfrom the duty officer of 9 December 1942 on “6 prisoners escaped from special detail I” [Czech, Kalendarium, p. 355, back-up]
  • Reportfrom Heinrich Kinna of 16 December 1942 on “imbeciles, idiots, cripples and sick people have to be removed from the camp within a short time by liquidiation to unburden the camp…Poles have to die of a natural death contrary to the measures applied on the Jews” [Czesław Madajczyk, Zamojszczyzna -  Sonderlaboratorium SS, p. 220 ff., see also Sterbebücher volume 1; image of the document taken from Mattogno, ASS]
  • Explanationary report from Heinrich Bischoff of 16 December 1942 on “the individual crematoriums and other special facilities” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 61]
  • Order of Rudolf Höss of 5 January 1943 on “the solution of the Jewish question in Auschwitz” [Czech, Kalendarium, p. 845]
  • Letter from Heinrich Bischoff of 13 January 1943 on “doors for crematorium I in the POW camp, ordered with letter dated Oct. 26, 1942 are urgently required for the carrying out of the special measures” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 91]
  • Letter from Eduard Wirths of 21 January 1943 on “undressing room” in crematorium 2 [Mattogno ATCOS, vol. 1, p. 72]
  • Letterfrom Heinrich Bischof to Hans Kammler of 27 January 1943 on “carrying out of the special action” in Birkenau [Mattogno, STIA, p. 131]
  • Memo from Heinrich Swoboda of 29 January 1943 on “cremation with simultaneous special treatment” in crematorium 2
  • Letter from Heinrich Bischoff of 29 January 1943 on “gassing cellar” in crematorium 2 [Pressac, Technique, p. 432]
  • Report of Oswald Pohl of 6 February 1943 on ""realization of textile-salvage from the Jewish resettlement" [NO-5742, english]
  • Memo of Heinrich Bischoff of 10 February 1943 on "at special unit 1, three horse stable baracks" and "at special unit 2, three horse stable baracks" available "for the storage of personal effects" [Mattogno, STIA, p. 73]
  • Letter from Heinrich Bischoff to Rudolf Höß of 12 February 1943 on the “sixth crematorium…an open incineration chamber with the dimension 48.75 x 3.76 m” [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 450]
  • Memo from Fritz Sander of 17 February 1943 on “the gas cellar” in crematorium 2 [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 456]
  • Order of 13 February 1943 on “12 gas tight doors approx. 30/40” for crematorium 4 and 5 [Pressac, Technique, p. 444]
  • Order of 15 February 1943 on “210 anchors for gas tight doors” for crematorium 4 [Pressac, Technique, p. 448]
  • Note from Josef Janisch of 15 February 1943 on “for undressing, a horse stable barrack has been erected infront of the cellar entrance” of crematorium 2 [Mattogno, ATCFS, vol. 1, p. 74]
  • Order of 19 February 1943 on “4 tight doors” for crematorium 4 [Pressac, Technique, p. 452]
  • Telexfrom Heinrich Schwarz to SS-WVHA of 20 February 1943 on “the men were specially accommodated because of infirmity, the women because most of them were children” [Sterbebücher von Auschwitz, document 56, back-up]
  • List of materials of 24 February 1943 on “12 gas tight doors approx. 30/40” for crematorium 4 and 5 [Pressac, Technique, p. 444]
  • Delivery note of 24 February 1943 on “fittings of 12 gas tight doors” for crematorium 4 and 5 [Pressac, Technique, p. 443]
  • Work time sheet of 28 February 1943 on “fit gas tight windows” in crematorium 4 [Pressac, Technique, p. 445]
  • Work time sheet of 2 March 1943 on “concrete in gas chamber” in crematorium 4 [Pressac, Technique, p. 446]
  • Letter from Topf to central construction office Auschwitz of 2 March 1943 on “display devices for hydrogen cyanide residues” for crematorium 2 [Pressac, Die Krematorien von Auschwitz, p. 92]
  • Order of 5 March 1943 of “handle for gas door” for crematorium 2 [Pressac, Technique, p. 433]
  • Telex from Heinrich Schwarz to SS-WVHA of 5 March 1943 on “918 women and children sent to special treatment“ [Blumental, Dokumenty i materiały, volume 1, p. 109, German text]
  • Telex from Heinrich Schwarz to SS-WVHA of 8 March 1943 on “151 men and 492 women and children were specially treated“ [Blumental, Dokumenty i materiały, volume 1, p. 110]
  • Letter from Heinrich Bischoff to Topf of 6 March 1943 on “preheating cellar 1” and “undressing room” in crematorium 2 and 3 [Pressac, Technique, p. 433]
  • Working time sheet from Heinrich Messing of 14 March 1943 on “undressing cellar 2” in crematorium 2 [Pressac, Technique, p. 434]
  • Plan of Birkenau camp of 20 March 1943 indicating a barrack at crematorium 2 [Pressac, Technique, p. 226]
  • Memo of 25 March 1943 on “hot air supply device for corpse cellar 1” in crematorium 2 [Pressac, Technique, p. 226, also p. 462]
  • Order from the central construction office of 29 March 1943 on 4 “iron grilles” for windows 30 x 40 cm of crematoria 4 and 5 (i.e. the gas tight windows) [Mattogno, ATCFS, p. 169]
  • Duty testimonial for [Hans?] Kühnemann of 30 March 1943 on "the action 'resettlement of the Jews', where he supervised, collected and drove away the effects that accumulated at special detail 1 [So. Kdo. I] and crematorium 2" [Perz and Sandkühler, Auschwitz und die "Aktion Reinhard" 1942 - 45, p. 296]
  • Order from Heinrich Bischoff of 31 March 1943 on “3 gas tight doors” of crematorium 4 and 5 and “gas door 100/192 for corpse cellar 1…with double 8 mm glass and peephole” of crematorium 2 and 3  [Pressac, Technique, p. 436]
  • Transfer document of 31 March 1943 on “gas door” in crematorium 2 [Pressac, Technique, p. 437]
  • Transfer inventory of 31 March 1943 on “4 wire mesh slide in devices” and “wooden covers” in the crematorium 2 basement [Pressac, Technique, p. 430]
  • Order of 6 April 1943 on “24 anchor bolts for gas tight doors” for crematorium 4 and 5 [Pressac, Technique, p. 454]
  • Work time sheet from Heinrich Messing of 13 April 1943 on “undressing cellar” in crematorium 3 [Pressac, Technique, p. 439]
  • Material list of 13 April 1943 on “extension of the aeration and deaeration device (warm air supply) of the crematorium II” [Rudolf Report, 2nd edition]
  • Order of 16 April 1943 on “iron for fittings for 5 gas doors” for crematorium 3 and 4 [Pressac, Technique, p. 438]
  • Order of 16 April 1943 on “fitting for 1 gas door” for crematorium 3 [Pressac, Technique, p. 439]
  • Work time sheet of 16 April 1943 on “fit gas door” in crematorium 5 [Pressac, Technique, p. 454]
  • Letter from Heinrich Bischoff to Rudolf Höß of 17 April 1943 on "the horse stable barracks erected at special unit II and at crematorium III are urgently needed for troop accommodation...After the operation of special unit II has stopped and the corresponding quarters by Crematorium III are available as well, information is requested as to when the barracks can be dismantled" [Mattogno, STIA, p. 74]
  • Order from Rudolf Höß of 20 April 1943 on “2 Jews escaped from the Sonderkommando” [Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle, p. 251]
  • Order from the central construction office of 27 April 1943 on “13 pieces of window grids 50 x 70 cm” (i.e. for the gas tight windows) [Carlo Mattogno, ASCFS, p. 169]
  • Report from Albert Franke-Gricksch of May 1943 on the extermination of Jews unfit for work in Auschwitz [Pressac, Technique, p. 239]
  • Memo of Heinrich Bischoff of 19 May 1943 on "two horse stable barracks from 'special action 1'" [Mattogno, STIA, p. 74]
  • Map of 2 June 1943 with a “prohibited area” near the Bunker 1 and 2 extermination sites [Pressac, Die Krematorien von Auschwitz, doc. 21, see also The prohibited area Birkenau]
  • Order from Glücks via Liebehenschel of 15 June 1943 on “special buildings” should be “located offside in accordance with their purpose and cannot be stared at by all sorts of people” [NO-1242]
  • Transfer inventory of 24th June 1943 on “14 showers” and “1 gas tight door” in crematorium 3 [Pressac, Technique , p. 430]
  • Reportfrom Heinrich Bischoff to Hans Kammler of 28 June 1943 on “capacity of existing crematoria…in 24 h…4756 persons” [Schüle, Industrie und Holocaust, p. 460]
  • Order of Hans Aumeier of 6 August 1943 on "the performed work on the occasion of the special action" [Standort- und Kommandanturbefehle, p. 320]
  • List of female prisoners of 21 August 1943 (signed by Maria Mandel), who were “specially lodged” (abbreviated G.U. in German) [Sterbebücher von Auschwitz, document 32]
  • Letter from the central construction office to the camp administration of 24 December 1943 on "stores of the special actions" [Mattogno, STIA, p. 74]
  • Proposal list of 9 February 1944 on "after finishing his daily tours, Sch[ramme] was used for the tours due to 'special tasks', Dylewski was "significantly involved in carrying out the 'special tasks' in the camp, and was there to be on duty at day and night" 
  • Duty notes from August Bielisch of 20 May [Leide, NS-Verbrecher und Staatssicherheit, p. 262], Gottfried Weisse of 24 May and Gerhard Appel of 25 May 1944 [Faschismus - Getto - Massenmord, p. 373]: "I will maintain unconditional secrecy during the measures to carry out the Jewish evacuation, and also vis-à-vis my comrades"
  • Telegram from Hans Kammler to the central construction office of 25 May 1944 on “for special action Hungary/program 3 horse stable barracks are immediately to be erected at the swerve bunkers” [Mattogno, STIA, p. 138]
  • Memo from Werner Jothann of 17 June 1944 on “camouflage of  the crematoria and security measures by erection of a second fence“ [Auschwitz 1940-1945, Volume 3 p. 183]
  • Labour force report of 28 July 1944 on "807 stokers" and "30 wood unloader" at the crematoria in Auschwitz-Birkenau [similar reports exist also for later dates, see here]
  • Escape report of 7 September(?) 1944 on “special detail (crematorium)” [website of the Auschwitz State Museum, back-up]
  • Strength reports of the female camp in Birkenau of October 1944 on "special treatment [abbreviated SB]" as loss of prisoners
    • 3 October 1944 [Hefte von Auschwitz 8, p. 115] 
    • 4 October 1944 [Deaths books of Auschwitz]
    • 6 October 1944 [Baum, Widerstand in Auschwitz, p. 28] 
    • 8 October 1944 [Kogon, Nationalsozialistische Massentötungen durch Giftgas, p. 223]
    • 15 October 1944 [Baum Widerstand in Auschwitz, p. 29]
  • Letter to Dachau camp administration of 25 October 1944 on "deportation of unfit Jews to Auschwitz" and "transport of invalids to Auschwitz" [back up here]
  • Letter to Dachau camp administration of 31 October 1944 on "transfer of 1020 sick and unfit prisoners to Auschwitz" [back up here]


Contemporary testimonies of SS personnel and German military
  • Diary of SS doctor Johann Kremer between August - November 1942 on "special actions" and "Auschwitz the camp of extermination" [Auschwitz State Museum, KL Auschwitz seen by the SS]
  • Testimony of Heinrich Kittel (military commander), conversation with Hans Schäffer (lieutenant-general) of December 1944 (in British capture) on "[i]n Upper Silesia, they simply slaughtered the people systematically. They were gassed in a big hall" [Andrew Roberts, The Genocide Generals]


Contemporary German photographs
  • central construction office photograph of crematorium 2 gas chamber with its gas introduction chimneys (enlargement, see also here for a discussion)
  • photograph of the Auschwitz identification service of Jews selected as unfit for work just in front of crematorium 5 site
  • photograph of the Auschwitz identification service of Jews selected as unfit for work in front of  crematorium 2 site 
  • photograph of the Auschwitz identification service of the seized shoes from Hungarian Jews and heavy smoke from crematorium 5 site in the background


 Contemporary Sonderkommando photographs
  • photograph of women undressing within the area enclosed by a camouflage fence in front of crematorium 5 [close up from Teresa Swiebocka, Auschwitz: A History in Photographs]
  • photographs (1, 2) of open air cremation behind crematorium 5 [see here and here for references and a discussion]

Contemporary aerial photographs
  • US Air Force photograph of 31 May 1944,
  • US Air Force photograph of 26 June 1944
  • German Luftwaffe photograph of 8 July 1944
  • British RAF photograph of 20 and 23 August 1944
  • US Air Force photograph of 25 August 1944
  • US Air Force photograph of 13 September 1944



Contemporary Sonderkommando handwritings
  • Chaim Herman, found in February 1945 [Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 259 ff.]
  • Salmen Gradowski, found on 5 March 1945 at crematorium 2 [Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 136 ff.], second manuscript found in summer 1945 [Gradowski, Au coeur de l'enfer]
  • Lejb, found in April 1945 at crematorium 3 [Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 68 ff.]
  • (name unknown), found in 1952 [Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 177 ff.]
  • Salmen Lewental, found on 28 July 1961 [Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 193 ff.]
  • Marcel Nadsari, found on 24 October 1980 at crematorium 3 [Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 270 ff.]
     

    Contemporary prisoner's letters and reports

    • Secret letter of Polish prisoner Konrad Szweda of January 1942 on "the moaning of the gassed could be heared the whole night..." [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 270]   
    • Secret letter of Polish prisoner Janusz Pogonowksi of 14 July 1942 on "318 Poles and 834 Jews were gassed at the neighbouring camp of Rajsko [means Birkenau] yesterday" [Piper, Illegale Briefe aus Auschwitz von Janusz Pogonowski, p. 17]
    • Secret letter of Stanislaw Klodzinski to Teresa Lasocka (Cracow) of 28 June 1943 on "in Rajsko [means Birkenau] 3000 people were sent into the gas the previous friday or thursday" [Czech, Kalendarium, p. 529]
    • Secret letter of Stanislaw Klodzinski to Teresa Lasocka (Cracow) of 30 August 1944 on "the gassing of Jews goes on. Transport from Lodz, Holland and Italy. The pits, in which the gassed were burnt, when the crematoria could not cope with them, are filled to remove the traces" [Czech, Kalendarium, p. 866]
    • Secret letter of Jozef Cyrankiewicz to Teresa Lasocka (Cracow) of 6 October 1944 on "the gassing does not end: 3000 inmates from Theresienstadt; 2500 from Auschwitz I, II and III; 6000 Hungarian Jews; 500 Jews from the ghetto Lodz; 400 prisoners from Buchenwald" [Czech, Kalendarium p. 897]



    Contemporary reports of escaped Auschwitz prisoners

    • Report by Rudolf Vrba and Alfred Wetzlar, escaped in April 1944 [Swiebocka, London has been informed]
    • Report by Arnost Rosin and Czeslaw Mordowicz, escaped in May 1944 [Swiebocka, London has been informed]
    • Report by Ananij Silovich Pet'ko and Vladimir Jakovlevich Pegov, escaped in November 1943
    • Report by Jerzy Tabeau, escaped in November 1943 [Swiebocka, London has been informed]
    • Report of escaped Hungarian Jewess of summer 1944 [Gerlach, Das letzte Kapitel, p. 287 – 288]



    Contemporary Polish publications and reports

    • Polish exile government
      • 24 October 1941 on “850 Soviet officers and noncoms (POWs)…were killed by gas as a test of a new type of combat gas” [Obóz koncentracyjny Oświęcim w świetle akt delegatury rządu RP na kraj, quoted from Mattogno, ATFG, p. 31]
      • 15 November 1941 on “September 5-6 some 600 Soviet inmates, ‘Politruks’ of the army, and about 200 Poles were herded into the Bunker and, when the Bunker had been hermetically sealed, were poisoned with a gas and their corpses taken to the crematorium and burned” [Obóz…, quoted from Mattogno, ATFG, p. 31] 
      • 17 November 1941 on “September 5-6, 1941, some 600 Soviet civilian prisoners of war that had been taken there were herded into the Bunker at Oscwiecim with their arms and legs broken. Added to them were some 250 Poles. The openings of the Bunker were hermetically closed, and the inmates shut in were poisoned with gases” [Obóz…, quoted from Mattogno, ATFG, p. 31] 
      • 15 December 1941 on “in the concrete shelter 500 POWs have been poisoned by means of a combat gas” [Obóz…, quoted from Mattogno, ATFG, p. 32] 
      • 1 July 1942 (the Polish Fortnightly Review) about the gassing of 700  Russian POWs and 300 Poles in the night of 5 to 6 September 1941 [The Van Pelt Report, electronic edition, III Intimations] 
      • August 1943 (Obóz smierci by Natalia Zarembina) about the gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in Auschwitz main camp [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 33 f.]
    • Kraj (Polish underground state clandestine publication)
      • 15 July 1943 on “gas chambers in the concentration camps” and “smoke clouds from the crematoria of Majdanek, Auschwitz and Sobibor” [Klaus-Peter Friedrich, Der nationalsozialistische Judenmord in polnischen Augen Einstellungen in den polnischen Presse, p. 114]
      • 14 June 1944 about the murder of 100,000 Hungarian Jews in Auschwitz with gas chambers, body disposal in four crematoria and pyres, assisted by 2000 Jewish prisoners [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 116]
      • 26 June 1944 about 40 kg of gold obtained from “the murder of Jews in Auschwitz” [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 116]
      • 9 September 1943 on “entire transports are sent into the gas, without any registration. The number of murdered exceeded 500,000…The new crematorium burns about 5000 persons every day, mostly Jews“ [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 151]
    • Biuletyn Informacyjny (Polish underground state)
      • 17 September 1942 on “gas chambers, in which 1000 Jews are murdered per day. The corpses are burnt in three crematoria” [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 115] 
      • 8 October 1942 on „death camp“ Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 115]
      • 14 January 1943 about gassing of Jews and POWs in Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p.115]
      • 29 July 1943 on “thousands of bolshevist POWs and Jews from all over Europe died” [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 115] 
      •  7 October 1943 about the gassing of prisoners on 1 - 3 August 1943 in Auschwitz, the killing of 470,000 Jews up to September 1943 and killing of Jews from Bedzin and Sosnowitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 115]
      • 29 Juni 1944 on the “monstrous murder of the Jews” in Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 116]

    • Dziennik Polski (political left)
      • 20 April 1943 on “murder factories” and the gassing of “more than 900,000 Jews” and daily average of murdered Jews of 9000 [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 176] 
      •  27 May 1943 about the murder of 8000 Greek Jews within one week and 76,721 deaths between mid June 1940 and 1 March 1943 excluding Jews [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 176]
      • 7 August 1943 on the gassing of 7500 Jews deported from Majdanek [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 176]
      • 11 September 1943 on “gas chambers in Auschwitz and Belzec” [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 176]

    • WRN (political left) 
      • 4 December 1942 on “transports of Jews that are immediately liquidated - probably by gas” in Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 175] 
      • 18 December 1942 about deportations of Jews from Cracow to Auschwitz and their gassing within one day [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 175] 
      • 5 February 1943 on “mass murder” in Auschwitz and the “construction of two gas chambers for 1200 people each” [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 176] 
      • 4 June 1943 on “unregistered transports that go into the gas immediately after arrival” [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 176]
      • 13 August 1943 about the gassing of a 3000 people Jewish transports (except for 19) in mid August 1943 and on 20 June 1943 a small transport of Poles was gassed [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 177]
      • 30 December 1943 on the “continuous murder of Jews” in Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 177]
    • Robotnik w walce (political left)
      • 7 May 1944 about the gassing of Jews from Theresienstadt on 25 March 1944, the murdered had to write predated letters to their relatives [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 177]
      • 23 April 1944 on “1 Million persons from gassed Jewish transports” in the “death camp” Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 218]
    • Robotnik (political left) 
      • 15 November 1942 about gassings in Auschwitz since June 1941, gas chambers in Birkenau for gassing of Soviet POWs and Jews. 94,140 Jews were murdered [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 175]
    • Informator (political right) 
      • 7 June 1944 on “gas chambers” in the “death factory” Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 240]
    • Sanacja (authoritarian, nationalistic) 
      • 25 June 1943 on “Auschwitz - a mass grave of several hundred of thousands tortured, mistreated, murdered and burned martyr” [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 289] (note that Sanacja did not mention gas chambers in Auschwitz)
    • Prawda (catholic) 
      • 3 March 1943 about gassing of 20,000 Jews from Poland, 502,000 Jews from France, Belgium and the Netherlands [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 308] 
      • July 1943 about murder of ten thousands of unregistered Jews and Russian POWs in Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 309]
    • Narod (catholic) 
      • August - September 1943 about gas chambers in Treblinka, Belzec, Majdanek and Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 328]
    • Przez walke do zwyciestwa (peasant movement) 
      • 10 August 1942 about gassing of sick and emaciated prisoners in cellars [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 338] 
      • 10 October 1942 on a “special way of executing” Jews in Auschwitz and a new building for killing with gas [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 334] 
      • 20 October 1942 about operation of several gas chambers in Auschwitz to kill 3000 - 4000 people at the same time [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 334]
      • 20 October 1943 about the killing of 643,000 people in Auschwitz therof 95,000 Poles until 15 December 1942 [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 334]
    • Wies (peasant movement) 
      •  8 May 1943 about a daily cremation capacity of 3000 corpses of the crematorium in Auschwitz [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 352]
      • 1 March 1944 about gassing of 1.5 Million Jews in Birkenau [Friedrich, Judenmord, p. 335]


    Post-liberation testimonies of SS and German military personnel [eyewitness] (35)

    • Hans Aumeier (camp leader) [most likely eyewitness]
    • Stefan Baretzki (block leader) [eyewitness], interrogation of 12 April 1960, Plaidt (West-German investigators), examinations of 20 January, 27 July and 1 October 1964, examination of 18 February and 3 May 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD]
    • Pery Broad (Political Department) [eyewitness]
      • Report of 13 July 1945 [KL Auschwitz seen by the SS]
      • Affidavit of 14 December 1945 [NI-11387]
      • Interrogation of 2 March 1946 [NI-11954]
      • Affidavit of 20 October 1947 [NI-11984]
      • Interrogation of 30 April and 1 May 1959, Braunschweig (West-German police) [ Auschwitz trial DVD]
      • Interrogation of 21 December 1960, Frankfurt (West-German police)
      • Interrogation of 22 December 1960, Frankfurt (West-German investigators)
      • Interrogation of 7 und 8 Februar 1961, Düsseldorf (West-German investigators)
      • Examination of 13 Januar 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD]
      • Examination of 20 April 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Langbein, Der Auschwitz-Prozess, p. 539 ff.]
    • Richard Böck (SS motor pool) [eyewitness], interrogation of 2 November 1960, Günburg (West-German investigators), examination of 3 August 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD]
    • Adolf Eichmann (RSHA) [eyewitness], interview by Willem Sassen of 1957 (?) [Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 203], manuscript of 6 September 1959 (preparation for defense at Israeli trial), interrogation of (?) by Avner Less (Israeli investigators)
    • Friedrich Entress (SS doctor) [eyewitness], affidavit of 14 April 1947, Landsberg [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 141] (on gassing at the Bunker extermination sites)
    • Josef Erber (Political Department) [eyewitness], interview of 12 July 1977 (by John Steiner and Günter Bierbrauer) [transcript was available online, accessed 8 June 2003; back up at HC forum], interview by Ebbo Demant in 1979 [Demant, Direkt von der Rampe weg..., p. 31 ff.], letter to Gerald Fleming of 14 September 1981 [Fleming, Endlösung, p. 204, quoted here] (on gassing of Jews in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Horst Fischer (SS doctor) [eyewitness], manuscript of 4, 7,18 and 25 September 1965, interrogation of 2 and 29 September 1965 [East-German investigators] [Dirks, Die Verbrechen der anderen] (on gassing of Jews selected as unfit for work in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Maximilian Grabner (head of political department) [eyewitness], interrogation of 1 and 26 September 1945 (Austrian police) [Mattogno, ACI; Mattogno, ATFG, p. 65; Mattogno, TBOA, p. 132 ff.], report of 17 September 1947 (Polish capture) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 65] (on gassings in Block 11 and crematorium in the main camp and in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Oskar Groening (SS guard) [eyewitness], interview by the BBC [Rees, Auschwitz] (on gassing at Bunker extermination site in Birkenau)
    • Emil Hantl (medical orderly) [eyewitness], interrogation of 26 May 1961, Marktredwitz (West-German investigators), interrogation of 29 May 1961, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), interrogation of 20 September 1961, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 29 March 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in Birkenau)
    • Gerhard Hess [eyewitness], interrogation of 15 May 1962, Kehl am Rhein (West-German investigators), examination of 11 September 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassings in crematorium in main camp and in "large barracks" in Birkenau)
    • Franz Hofmann (camp leader) [eyewitness] (on gassing of sick inmates and Jews selected as unfit for work in the crematoria in Auschwitz-Birkenau)
      • Interrogations of 22 April 1959, Hechingen and of 3 March 1960, Rottenburg (West-German police)
      • Interrogations of 27 and 28 April and of 25 October 1961, Munich (West-German investigators)
      • Examinations of 17 January 1964, 23 March, 3 September and 3 May 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD]
    • Karl Hölblinger (SS motor pool) [eyewitness], interrogation of 24 May 1961, Vienna (Austrian authorities), examination of 3 July 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of unfit Jews at the Bunker site in Birkenau)
    • Rudolf Höß (Auschwitz commandant) [eyewitness]
      • Deposition of 14 March 1946 (British) [NO-1210]
      • Interrogation of 1 and 2 April 1946, Nuremberg (US investigators)
      • Interrogation of 3 and 4 April 1946, Nuremberg (US investigators)
      • Affidavit of 5 April 1946, Nuremberg (US investigators) [PS-3868
      • Interrogation of 8 April 1946, Nuremberg (US investigators)
      • Joint interrogation with Otto Moll of 16 April 1946, Nuremberg (US investigators)
      • Declaration of 24 April 1946, Nuremberg (prison psychologist Gustave Gilbert)  
      • Manuscripts of November 1946 “The final solution of the Jewish question in the concentration camp Auschwitz" and "The Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmer" (Polish capture) [FitzGibbon, Commandant of Auschwitz]
      • Autobiographical notes of February 1947 (Polish capture)
        (on gassing in Block 11 and crematorium in the main camp as well as at the Bunker extermination sites and in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Adam Hradil (SS motor pool) [eyewitness], interrogation of 13 August 1963 (West-German investigators) [Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone, p. 70] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Kurt Jurasek (medical department) [eyewitness], 6 July 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Oswald Kaduk (report leader) [eyewitness]
      • Interrogation of 21 July 1959, Berlin (West-German police?)
      • Interrogation of 1 and 4 September 1961, Frankfurt (West-German investigators)
      • Examinations of 22 June, 9 July, 28 August, 5 November 1964 and 4 March 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD]
      • television interview of 1979 by Ebbo Demant (Demant, Direkt von der Rampe weg..., p. 65)(on gassing in crematorium in the main camp and in Birkenau)
    • Josef Klehr (SS medical orderly) [eyewitness]
      • Interrogation of 17 September 1960, Braunschweig (West-German investigators)
      • Interrogation of 22 and 25 September 1961, Frankfurt (West-German investigators)
      • Examinations of 30 January, 12 June, 18 June, 18 September 1964 and 3 May 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Frankfurt Auschwitz trial DVD]
        (on gassing of sick inmates and unfit Jews in crematorium in main camp and crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Fritz Klein (SS doctor) [eyewitness], affidavit of 1945 (British investigators) (on gassing in crematoria in Auschwitz)
    • Johann Paul Kremer (SS doctor) [eyewitness], interrogation of 18 August 1947, Cracow (Polish investigators) [KL Auschwitz seen by the SS], examination of 4 June 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassings of Jews in the Bunker in Birkenau)
    • Otto Moll (head of open air body disposal sites) [eyewitness], interrogation of 14 April 1946, Nuremberg (US investigators), joint-interrogation with Rudolf Höss of 16 April 1946, Nuremberg (US investigators) (gassing of Jews in Birkenau)
    • Konrad Morgen (SS investigator) [eyewitness], affidavit of 13 July 1946 (Allied investigators) [Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 14 November 1945-1 October 1946: Documents and other material in evidence, p. 561], examination of 8 August 1946, Nuremberg (Allied trial proceeding), examination of 8 March 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing of unfit Jews in crematorium in Birkenau)
    • Hans Münch (SS doctor) [eyewitness], examination of 3 and 5 March 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD], declaration of 27 January 1995, Auschwitz, letter of 28 February 1995, interview on 15 June 1995 by Germar Rudolf [Rudolf, Auschwitz-Kronzeuge] (on gassing of Jews in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Erich Mußfeldt (head of crematoria) [eyewitness], 8 September 1947 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 142 - 143] (gassing at Bunker extermination site)
    • Anton Siebald (SS motor pool) [eyewitness], interrogations of 19 March 1962 and 15 July 1963 (West-German investigators), examination of 17 September 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing of Jews in Birkenau, apparently Bunker extermination site)
    • Hans Stark (Political Department) [eyewitness], interrogations of 23 and 24 April 1959, Cologne (West-German investigators), interrogation of 3 September 1962, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 16 January 1964 and 25 January 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing in Block 11 (Russian POWs) and crematorium (Jews) in main camp and gassings at Bunker extermination sites in Birkenau]
    • Henry Storch (SS pharmacy) [eyewitness], interrogation of 29 March 1961 (German authorities) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 66] examination of 13 July 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing in Block 11 and crematorium in main camp)
    • Josef Thul (Luftwaffe sergeant) [eyewitness], interrogation of 29 March 1945 (US military) [Stephen Tyas, Allied Intelligence Agencies and the Holocaust: Information Acquired from German Prisoners of War] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Franz Tomaszewski (SS motor pool) [eyewitness], examination of 28 September 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] [gassing at Bunker extermination site]
    • Gerhard Wiebeck (SS investigator) [eyewitness], examination of 1 October 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing in crematorium in Birkenau)
    • Willy Wildermuth (SS motor pool) [eyewitness], examination of 17 September 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing of Jews at Bunker extermination sites in Birkenau)
    • Anton Wilhelmy (medical department) [eyewitness], examination of 21 January 1965 Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing in crematorium in main camp)
    • Martin Wilks (medical department) [eyewitness], examination of 17 September 1965 Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (gassing of Russian POWs in crematorium in main camp and of Jews in Birkenau]
    • Eduard Wirths (SS doctor) [most likely eyewitness], manuscript of July (?) 1945 [Völklein, Wirths, p. 38], interrogation of 20 July 1945 (West-German police) [Völklein, Wirths, p. 59], interrogation by Gerald Draper of (?)  (US investigators) [Beischl, SS-Standortarzt, p. 227]



    Post-liberation testimonies of civilians [eyewitness] (2)



    Post-liberation testimonies of Sonderkommando prisoners [eyewitness] (29)

    • Daniel Bennahmias (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], account published as book in 1993 [Fromer, The Holocaust Odyssey of Daniel Bennahmias, quoted in Van Pelt, The Case for Auschwitz, p. 193]
    • Maurice Benroubi (Sonderkommando, 1942) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], testimony and interview by Jean-Claude Pressac (80s?) [Pressac, Technique, p. 162]  
    • Milton Buki (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], deposition of 7 January 1946, Vienna (Austrian police) [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 118], account (exact date unknown, shortly after the war) [read out at the Auschwitz trial, 14 January 1965], examination of 14 January 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD], declaration of 15 December 1980, Jerusalem [Pressac, Technique, p. 163] (on Bunker extermination sites and crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Charles Bendel (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], examination of 1 October 1945, Lüneburg (British military court) [Belsen trial], examination of 2 March 1946, Hamburg (British miliary court) [Tesch trial, NI-11953], account of 1946, Paris [Témoignage sur Auschwitz, p. 159 ff.] (on gassing in the crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Shaul Chazan (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview (by Israeli historian Gideon Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 257 ff.]
    • Leon Cohen (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview (by Israeli historian Gideon Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 286 ff.]
    • Shlomo Dragon (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interrogation of 26 February 1945 (Soviet military investigators) [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 71], interrogation of 10 and 11 May 1945 (Polish investigators) [Pressac, Technique, p. 171, also Mattogno, TBOA, p. 73], examination of 1 March 1972, Vienna (Austrian trial proceeding) [Pressac, Technique, p. 172], joint interview with Abraham Dragon of 1993 (by Israeli historian Gideo Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 122 ff.] (on gassings at the Bunker extermination sites and in the crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Abraham Dragon (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], joint interview with Shlomo Dragon of 1993 (by Israeli historian Gideo Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 122 ff.]
    • Eliezer Eisenschmidt (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview (by Israeli historian Gideon Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 215 ff.]
    • Dario Gabai (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview (by the BBC) [Rees, Auschwitz] (on gassing in Birkenau) 
    • Ya'akov Gabai (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview (by Israeli historian Gideon Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 181 ff.]
    • Samuel Hejblum (Sonderkommando, 1942) [eyewitness], interview of 17 December 2000 (by Barbara Siebert) [Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone, p. 81](on gassing at Bunker extermination site in Birkenau)
    • Stanislaw Jankowski (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interrogation of 16 April 1945, Cracow (Polish investigators) [Inmitten des grauenvollen Verbrechens, p. 25 ff.], declaration of 29 September 1980, Paris (before French notary) [Pressac, Technique, p. 124] (on gassing at crematorium in main camp, Bunker extermination sites and crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Morris Kesselman
    • Andre Lettich (Sonderkommando until March 1943) [eyewitness], account of 1946 [Lettich, Trente-quatre mois dans les Camps de Concentration, see also Mattogno, TBOA, p. 97 and Kogon, Massentötungen, p. 210]
    • Gabriel Malinski
    • Henryk Mandelbaum (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], account published as book [Poludniak, Sonder: An Interview with Sonderkommando Member Henryk Mandelbaum] 
    • Filip Müller (Sonderkommando), examination of December 1947, Cracow (Polish trial proceeding) [Mattogno, ACI, p. 33 ff.], account of (date?) [Kraus & Kulka, Todesfabrik], interrogation of 2 February 1963, Prague (Czech authorities) [read out at Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, 5 October 1964], examination of 5 and 8 October 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] [Auschwitz trial], account of 1979 [Müller, Sonderbehandlung], letter of 24 January 1980 [Lewis Brandon, Journal of Historical Review, vol. 1, issue 3], interview of [date?] (by Claude Lanzmann) (on gassings in crematorium in main camp, Bunker extermination site and crematoria in Birkenau)
    • David Nencel (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview of 15 July 1995 (by Andreas Kilian) [Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone, p. 138, p. 155, see also Petropoulos, Gray Zones, p. 62] 
    • Miklos Nyiszli (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], deposition of 28 July 1945 (Hungarian authorities) [Charles Provan, No holes? No holocaust?], account of 1946 published as book [Nyiszli, Mengele boncolóorvosa voltam az auschwitzi krematóriumban, english: Nyiszli, Auschwitz: a doctors eyewitness account, see also Pressac, Technique, p. 473], account of early 1947 (published in Hungarian newspaper Vilag) [Charles Provan, New Light on Dr. Miklos Nyiszli and His Auschwitz Book], affidavit of 8 October 1947, Nuremberg (Allied war crime investigators) [Charles Provan, No holes? No holocaust?] (on gassings in the crematoria in Birkenau)
    • David Olere (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness]
      • 1945 drawing of Bunker (possibly number 1) extermination site
      • drawing of crematorium 3 furnace hall
      • 1946 drawing of gas chamber entrance and corpse removal
      • 1946 drawing of undressing basement of crematorium 3
      • 1945 drawing of bone crushing [at crematorium ?]
      • drawing of crematorium 3 overview
      • drawing of crematorium 3 gas chamber (side view)
      • drawing of crematorium 3 gas chamber (side view)
      • drawing of unloading of victims at crematorium 3
      • drawing of victims marching into crematorium 3
      • drawing of shooting at open air burning pit at crematorium 5
    • Dov Paisikovic (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], deposition of 17 October 1963, Vienna [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 106], deposition of 10 August 1964 (for Auschwitz State Museum) [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 107], examination of 8 October 1964 (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing at the Bunker 2 extermination site and in the crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Lemko Pliszko (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview 16 December 2003 (by Israeli historian Gideon Greif) [Petropoulos, Gray Zones, p. 50]
    • Jehosua Rosenblum
    • Josef Sackar (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview (by Israeli historian Gideon Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 87 ff.]
    • Ya'acov Silberberg (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interrogation of 2 June 1971 (West-German investigators) [Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone] interview of 1985 (by Karl Fruchtmann) [Karl Fruchtmann, Ein einfacher Mensch], interview of (1998?) (by Gideon Greif) [Greif, We wept without tears, p. 310 ff.]
    • Henryk Tauber (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interrogation of 27 and 28 February 1945 (Soviet investigators) [Mattogno, ATCFS, p. 375 ff.], deposition of 1945 (Jewish historical commission) [Borwicz, Dokumenty zbrodni imęczeństwa, cited in Mattogno, ATCFS, p. 374 ff.], interrogation of 24 May 1945 (Polish investigators) [Pressac, Technique, p. 482]
    • Morris Venezia (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], interview (by the BBC) [Rees, Auschwitz] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Shlomo Venezia (Sonderkommando) [eyewitness], account published as book in 2007 [Shlomo Venezia, Inside the Gas chambers]




      Post-liberation testimonies of prisoners (except Sonderkommando) [eyewitness] (47)
    • Yehuda Bacon (Jewish prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 1961 (Israeli trial proceeding), examination of 30 October 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD], interview by West German Broadcasting of (60s?) [Adler, Zeugnisse und Berichte, p. 123] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau) 
    • Ludwik Banach (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gas chamber and gassed corpses], deposition of 18 July 1947 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 45] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Ada Bimko (Jewish prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site], affidavit of (?), examination of 21 September 1945, Lüneburg (British trial proceeding) (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Karl Bracht (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], interrogation of 15 October 1959, Meschede (West-German investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Franciszek Brol (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], interrogation of 28 September 1964, Gliwice (Polish authorities) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Ota Fabian (Jewish prisoner) [eyewitness of gas chamber and gassed corpses], examination of 6 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
    • Moshe Garbarz (Jewish prisoner) [eyewitness], account published as book in 1983 [Garbarz, Un survivant; quoted in Pressac, Technique, p. 163] (on gassing at Bunker extermination site)
    • Aleksander Germanski (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 264] (on gassing in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Rudolf Gibian (Jewish prisoner) [eyewitness of gas chamber and gassed corpses], examination of 13 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing at Bunker 2 extermination site and in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Bogdan Glinski (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gas chamber and gassed corpses], deposition of 17 September 1947 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 46] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Stanislaw Glowa (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], examination of 11 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Czeslaw Glowacki (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], examination of 13 April 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Block 11 and crematorium in the main camp)
    • Ignacy Golik (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 8 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in the main camp and Birkenau)
    • Franciszek Gulba (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site], account of 2 December 1970 [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 110], letter of 30 December 1974 to International Auschwitz Committee in  Warsaw [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 112] (on gassing at Bunker extermination site) 
    • Kazimierz Halgas (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 265, 270, 272] (on mass extermination of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)  
    • Wieslaw Kielar (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 273] (on gassing of sick inmates and Russian POWs in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Michal Kula (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], deposition of 11 June 1945 (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 42], declaration of 15 March 1947, Cracow (Polish investigators) [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 43], examination of 1947 [Polish trial proceeding] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Tadeusz Kurant (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski[Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 274] (on gassing in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Hermann Langbein (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], account published as book in 1949 [Langbein, Die Stärkeren], examination of 6 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp and gassing in Birkenau)
    • Karl Lill (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 18 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp and in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Zdzislaw Mikolajski (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 25 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp and in Birkenau) 
    • Bartosz Oziemkowski (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], examination of 18 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Jozef Paczynski (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness], interview by the BBC [Rees, Auschwitz] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
    • Roger Pelisson (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site], letter of 20 August 1947, Paris [Baum, Widerstand in Auschwitz, p. 60] (on gassing in crematorium 4 and 5 in Birkenau)
    • Walter Petzold (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], report of 17 May 1945, examination of 26 March 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Henryk Porebski (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 18 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing at the Bunker extermination sites and in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Otto Pressburger (Jewish prisoner, grave digger detail) [eyewitness of gassed corpses], interview by the BBC [Ress, Auschwitz] (on gassing of Jews at the Bunker extermination site)
    • Alexander Princz (Jewish prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 12 and 19 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Fritz Adolf Putzker (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 4 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Edward Pys (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], interrogation of 23 October 1959, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 12 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block and gassing in crematorium in the main camp as well as gassing in Birkenau) 
    • Adolf Rögner (German criminal prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site], account of (? after March 1946) [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 101] (on gassing of Jews at Bunker extermination site and crematoria in Birkenau) 
    • Arnost Rosin (Jewish prisoner, grave digger detail) [eyewitness], account of (?) [Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone, p. 78] (on gassing at Bunker extermination site)
    • Stanislaw Rospenk (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gas chamber loading], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Zenon Rozanski (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gas chamber and gassed corpses], account published as book in 1948 [Rozanski, Mützen ab, p. 40 ff., quoted in Mattogno, ATFG, p. 47] (on gassing of Russian POWs and sick inmates in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Maurice Schellekes (Jewish prisoner, grave digger detail) [eyewitness], deposition of 1981, Haifa [Leo Baeck Institute, Memoir Collection, ME 1001. MM II 23], account of (?) [Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone, p. 79] (on gassing at Bunker extermination sites in Birkenau) 
    • Karol Sienek (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski[Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 274] (on gassing in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Jan Sikorski (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], interrogation of 16 May 1960, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 19 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp and gassing in Birkenau) 
    • Stanislaw Slizowski (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in the main camp)
    • Edgar Steinmetz (prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site], affidavit of (?) [Baum, Widerstand in Auschwitz, p. 62] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Herbert Tischler (Political prisoner) [eyewitness], interrogation of 25 September 1962, Vienna (Austrian authorities/West-German investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Wladyslaw Tondos (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski[Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 274] (on gassing of sick inmates and Russian POWs in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Josef Vacek (Political prisoner) [eyewitness of gas chamber and gassed corpses], interrogation of 8 May 1945 (US investigators?) [Jäckel, Der Mord an den Juden im Zweiten Weltkrieg, p. 167, quoted in Mattogno, ATFG, p. 37] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 in the Auschwitz main camp)
    • Rudolf Vrba (Jewish prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of 30 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Jozef Weber (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski[Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 274] (on gassing in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Wilhelm Wohlfahrt (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness], examination of March 1947 (Polish trial proceeding) [Mattogno, TBOA, p. 103] (on gassing at Bunker extermination sites)
    • Jan Wolny (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], letter to Klodzinski of (?)[Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 265, 272] (on gassing of sick inmates and Russian POWs in Block 11 in the main camp)
    • Adam Zacharski (Polish political prisoner) [eyewitness of gassing site and gassed corpses], letter to Stanislaw Klodzinski of (?) [Klodzinski, Die erste Vergasung von Häftlingen…, in Die Auschwitz-Hefte, p. 274] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 in the main camp)

     
     Post-liberation testimonies of SS personnel [hearsay] (45)


    • Richard Baer (commandant of Auschwitz) [hearsay], interrogation of 22 December 1960, Frankfurt (West-German investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Heinrich Bischoff (block leader) [hearsay], interrogation of 24 November 1961, Frankfurt (West-German investigators) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Helmut Bartsch (SS investigator) [hearsay], examination of 13 March 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Charlotte Bartsch (women's auxialiary unit) [hearsay], examination of 3 August 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Wilhelm Boger (Political Department) [claimed hearsay, but eyewitness acc. to Pery Broad, interrogation of 1 May 1959], report of 10 July 1945, Ludwigsburg (US investigators), interrogation of 9 October 1958, Stuttgart (West-German police), interrogation of 13 April 1959, Ludwigsburg (West-German investigators), interrogation of 30 May 1961, Frankfurt [West-German police], examination of 27 November 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Arthur Breitwieser (desinfection detail, effects chamber) [claimed hearsay], interrogation of 9 June 1961, Bad Godesberg (West-German investigators), examination of 24 January 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Karl Broch (Political Department) [eyewitness], interrogation of 19 December 1963, Düsseldorf (West-German investigators), examination of 2 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
    • Victor Capesius (SS doctor) [claimed hearsay, but likely eyewitness due to his position], interrogation of 4 December 1959, Göppingen (West-German investigators), interrogation of 7 December 1959, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 27 January 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Klaus Dylewski (Political Deparment) [claimed hearsay], interrogation of 25 April 1959, Krefeld (West-German investigators), interrogation of 9 February 1961, Kassel-Wehlheiden (West-German police) [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing Birkenau)
    • Fritz Ertl (central construction office) [apparently claimed hearsay], examination of 21 January 1972, Vienna (Austrian trial proceeding) [Van Pelt, The Case for Auschwitz, p. 302] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Willy Frank (SS doctor) [claimed hearsay, but likely witness due to his position], interrogation of 18 September 1959, Ludwigsburg (West-German police), interrogations of 15 January 1960 and 13 October 1961, Stuttgart (West-German investigators), examination of 24 January and 2 October 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in Birkenau)
    • Fritz Gaar (SS motor pool) [hearsay, did not believe rumors], examination of 28 August 1964, Frankfurt [West-German trial proceeding] [Frankfurt Auschwitz trial] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Anton Glaser (SS motor pool) [claimed hearsay, probably eyewitness], examination of 11 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing Bunker extermination site)
    • Leopold Heger (SS motor pool) [hearsay], examination of 11 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Karl Höcker (adjutant) [claimed hearsay], interrogation of 30 January 1961, Lübbecke (West-German investigators), interrogation of 16 February 1962, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 10 January 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing Birkenau)
    • Franz Hössler (Protective Custody Leader) [claimed hearsay, but most likely eyewitness due to his position in the camp; also heavily incriminated by the war-time diary of SS doctor Johann Kremer], affidavit of 1945 (British investigators) (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Josef Hofer (Political Department) [hearsay], examination of 4 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Hans Hoffmann (Political Department) [hearsay], examination of 11 December 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Ludwig Holze (SS motor pool) [hearsay], examination of 4 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Horst Huley (guard) [hearsay], examination of 11 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Karl Hykes (camp administration) [hearsay], examination of 22 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Karl Kahr (SS officer) [hearsay], interrogation of 19 September 1945, Landshut [Mattogno, ATFG, p. 68] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Oskar Kieselbach (guard) [hearsay], examination of 13 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • August Klehr (guard) [hearsay], examination of 28 January 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Günther Kramer (guard) [hearsay], examination of 17 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Josef Kramer (Birkenau commandant) [claimed hearsay], examination of 8 October 1945 (British trial proceeding) (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Theodor Küper (SS motor pool) [hearsay], examination of 14 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Kurt Leischow (guard) [hearsay], interrogation of 14 March 1961, Hamburg (West-German investigators), examination of 17 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing of Russian POWs in Block 11 and crematorium in the main camp)
    • Eduard Lorenz (SS motor pool) [unclear from cited extracts, possibly eyewitness], interrogation of 17 September 1964 (West-German investigators) [Friedler, Zeugen aus der Todeszone, p.70] (on gassing at Bunker extermination sites in Birkenau]
    • Franz Lucas (SS doctor) [claimed hearsay, but likely eyewitness due to his position], interrogation of 14 February 1962, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examinations of 27 January 1964, 11 March and 3 May 1965, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Birkenau)
    • Bodo von Maydell (German Soldier) [hearsay], account published as book in 1979 [Maydell, Im Banne des Tikkun] (gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Robert Mulka (adjudant) [claimed hearsay], interrogations of 8 November 1960, Hamburg and 11 September 1961, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examinations of 9 January, 24 July and 6 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing at Bunker extermination site in Birkenau)
    • Gerhard Neubert (SS medical orderly) [hearsay], interrogation of 5 June 1962, Diepholz (West-German investigators), examination of 3 February 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Hans Nierzwicki (SS medical orderly) [hearsay], interrogation of 19 September 1960, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Friedrich Ontl (medical department) [hearsay], examination of 4 June 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Christian Pfauth (SS motor pool) [hearsay], examination of 14 September 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Helmut Pomreinke (SS motor pool) [hearsay], examination of 13 August 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Willi Schatz (SS doctor) [claimed hearsay, but likely eyewitness due to his position], interrogations 11 April 1961, Hannover and 2 November 1961, Frankfurt (West-German investigators), examination of 24 January 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematoria in Birkenau)
    • Herbert Scherpe (SS medical orderly) [hearsay], interrogation of 15 August 1961, Mannheim (West-German investigators), examination of 31 January 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp and in Birkenau)
    • Bruno Schlage (block leader) [hearsay], interrogations of 5 February and 22 March 1962, Bad Oeynhausen (West-German investigators)[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in crematorium in the main camp)
    • Friedrich Otto Schlupper (camp administration) [hearsay], examination of 13 July 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD](on gassing of Russian POWs in  crematorium in the main camp)
    • Ludwig Karl Schmidt [source of knowledge unclear, hearsay or witness], interrogation unknown date (West-German investigators)[Auschwitz trial DVD] (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Johann Schoberth (Political department) [hearsay], interrogation of 10 June 1960, Aufseß (West-German investigators), examination of 16 January 1964 [Auschwitz trial DVD] [on gassing in Birkenau]
    • Johannes Thümmler (Commander of Security Police and SD, Kattowitz) [hearsay], examination of 2 November 1964, Frankfurt [Auschwitz trial DVD] [on gassing and mass extermination in Auschwitz]
    • Dieter Wisliceny (RSHA) [hearsay, from Adolf Eichmann], examination of 3 January 1946, Nuremberg (Allied trial proceeding) (on gassing in crematoria in Auschwitz)


    Post-liberation testimonies of civilians [hearsay] (7)


    • Hildegard Bischoff (civilian; wife of Karl Bischoff, head of SS central construction office) [hearsay], examination of 24 July 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding)[Auschwitz trial DVD] [on gassing in Auschwitz]
    • Günther Buch (civilian, acquaintance of Robert Mulka, Auschwitz adjutant) [hearsay], examination of 22 October 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding)[Auschwitz trial DVD] [on gassing in Auschwitz]
    • Elise Heinisch-Utner (civilian; dental doctor in Auschwitz town) [hearsay], examination of 22 October 1964, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding)[Auschwitz trial DVD] [on gassing in Auschwitz]
    • Rosina Kramer (civilian; wife of Birkenau commandant Josef Kramer) [hearsay], examination of 1945, Lüneburg (British investigators) (on gassing in Auschwitz)
    • Eugen Lazar (civilian; acquaintance of Stefan Baretzki, SS block leader in Birkenau),examination of 18 February 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding)[Auschwitz trial DVD] [on gassing in Auschwitz]
    • Viktoria Ley (civilian; acquaintance of SS doctors Victor Capesius and Fritz Klein) [hearsay],examination of 15 January 1965, Frankfurt (West-German trial proceeding)[Auschwitz trial DVD] [on gassing in Auschwitz]
    • Fritz Sander (Topf engineer) [hearsay, from Topf engineer Kurt Prüfer], interrogation of 7 March 1946 (Soviet intelligence) [Jürgen Graf, Die sowjetische Befragung der Topf-Ingenieure] (on gassing in Auschwitz)


     
    Post-liberation testimonies of prisoners (hearsay)




    On-site chemical and physical investigations

    • Forensic report by Jan Robel (Cracow Forensic Institute) of 25 December 1945 on qualitative determination of cyanide on sheet zinc ventilation grills assigned to the crematoria 2 or 3 by Polish investigating judge Jan Sehn
    • Chemical investigation of the gas chamber's ruins by Jan Markiewicz, Wojciech Gubala and Jerzy Labedz (Cracow Forensic Institute) and their quantitative determination of (non-Prussian Blue) cyanide residues in the gas chamber's walls [Markiewicz et al., A Study of the Cyanide Compounds Content In The Walls Of The Gas Chambers in the Former Auschwitz and Birkenau Concentration Camps] (related Revisionist arguments are discussed by chemist Richard Green here)
    • Investigation of the ground in Birkenau by hole drilling and chemical analysis carried out by Hydrokop (Cracow) and determination of "[t]races of human ashes, bones, and hair" at 42 of 303 sites according to Polish historian Franciszek Piper [Piper, Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, p. 179]
    • Investigation of the ruin of crematorium 2 in Birkenau by Harry Mazal, Daniel Keren and Jamie McCarthy and their finding of three openings in the roof that can be assigned as gas introduction openings [Mazal et al., The Ruins of the Gas Chambers: A Forensic Investigation of Crematoriums at Auschwitz I and Auschwitz-Birkenau] (related Revisionist arguments are discussed here)



      The Jäger Report (6)

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      The present blog is about the massacre by Einsatzkommando 3 of Jews deported to Kaunas (Kowno) in November 1941. Like in the previous blogs of this series, the information presented in this blog is mostly based on German historian Wolfram Wette’s biography of Karl Jäger (Wolfram Wette, Karl Jäger. Mörder der litauischen Juden, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2011, hereinafter "Wette, Jäger").




      On 25 and 29 November 1941 about 5,000 German, Austrian and Czechoslovakian Jews were shot in Kaunas' Fort IX. There executions are mentioned as follows on page 5 of the Jäger Report:
      Nov. 25, 41 Kauen - F. IX 1159 [Jews] 1600 [Jewesses] 175 [Jewish children] (evacuees from Berlin, Munich and Frankfurt am Main) 2,934
      Nov. 29, 41 " " 693 " 1155 " 152 " (evacuees from Vienna and Breslau) 2,000

      These deportees had arrived on the following trains:

      Date_Place of departure_number of persons
      17.11.1941_Berlin_1,006
      20. 11.1941_Munich_999
      22.11.1941_Frankfurt/Main_988
      23.11.1941_Vienna_998
      25.11.1941_Breslau_1005

      The deportees had been told that they would be "resettled" to Eastern Europe. Neither they nor the German railway men and policemen accompanying the transports had any idea of the fate awaiting the deportees at the place of arrival.

      Hitler had in the first half of September 1941 authorized the deportation of German Jews to the occupied Soviet territories. Pursuant to this authorization a total of 19,836 Jews had been transported in October 1941 to the city of Łódź in the Polish territories annexed to the German Reich, where most of them either succumbed to the precarious living conditions or were transported to the Chełmno extermination camp. It was furthermore planned to transport about 50,000 Jews to Riga and Minsk. The deportation trains that arrived at Kaunas were originally meant to go to Riga. However, as the local ghetto were overfilled, some of the transports were directed to Kaunas on short notice.

      As far as known Jäger had no instructions from Berlin or from his direct superior Stahlecker about what to do with the deportees. He must therefore have taken the decision to shoot them on his own initiative. This decision doesn’t seem to have got him into trouble, unlike the SS and Police Commander of Riga, Friedrich Jeckeln, who had murdered the occupants of a transport arriving from Berlin on 30 November 1941 along with about 24,000 Latvian Jews on 30 November and 8/9 December 1941 in the Rumbula Forest, in ignorance of an instruction of Himmler's (amply discussed in the course of the Irving-Lipstadt trial) whereby this transport was not to be liquidated ("Judentransport aus Berlin keine Liquidierung", according to a note of Himmler's about a telephone conversation with Heydrich). Jeckeln was reprimanded for "Eigenmächtigkeiten" (arbitrary actions) and "Zuwiderhandlung" (acting against orders) and had to present himself in Berlin for this purpose. The reason for the rebuke was the insistence of civilian and Wehrmacht authorities that Jews be kept alive as laborers for the armament industry. (Wette, Jäger, p. 127).

      As there were no survivors from among the deportees processed by Jäger on 25 and 29 November 1941, information about their fate comes from local Jews of the Kaunas ghetto, from Lithuanian inmates who managed to escape from Fort IX, and from identification documents found in the deportees’ luggage, which had been stamped "evacuated to Riga" or "evacuated to the east". Dr. Elchanan Elkes, the president of the Kaunas Ghetto's Jewish council, described how he saw columns of Jews passing by the ghetto, who were obviously shouting where they were coming from (Wette, Jäger, pp. 127-128, quoting after Wolfgang Scheffler, "Massenmord in Kowno", p. 84, in: Scheffler/Schulle, Buch der Erinnerung; my translation):
      Two yours ago there passed in front of our eyes, before the windows of our houses, many thousand Jews from southern Germany and Vienna who were taken with their luggage to Fort IX, which was some kilometers away from us. There they were killed with extreme cruelty. We later learned that they had been deceived. They had been told that they would be accommodated in the Kowno ghetto.

      A Jewish child from Munich by the name of Alfred Koppel managed to emigrate from Germany to the United States in the spring of 1941 with the help of a children's assistance organization. His family was murdered in Kaunas. Koppel later collected the scattered reports about the murder of the Jews from the Munich area, and summarized them as follows (Wette, Jäger, page 128, quoting Al Koppel, Zuerst an der Reihe. Das Schicksal meiner Familie. Munich City Archive; my translation):
      Upon arrival at Kaunas the crowd of people coming from the station was chased up a hill, a long, long way on foot to one of the forts on the hill. […] Finally the one thousand people of the Munich transport, having reached the menacing Fort IX, were chased with blows and under threats into the cells in the fort’s cellars. […] They languished for three days in these horrible cells in the fort's cellars. Then, on 25 November 1941, the prisoners were taken in groups of 50 to a pit in the area of Fort IX. My relatives were in one of these groups. […] When they arrived at the pit mother and Günther all of a sudden realized the whole dimension of the horror awaiting them. They saw the Sonderkommando squatting behind machine guns, ready to shoot them.[…]

      An eyewitness by the name of Kulisch provided the following account of the massacre on 25 November 1941 (Wette, Jäger, p. 128, quoting from Dina Porat, "The Legend of the Struggle of Jews from the Third Reich in the Ninth Fort near Kowno, 1941-1942.", p. 382. In: Tel Aviv Yearbook for German History 20 (1991); my translation):
      The Gestapo men and the Lithuanians ordered the people to line up in a row, in groups of 80 persons, and seemingly ordered morning calisthenics in the fort's yard. Then they made the people run in the direction of the pits. At the pits they beat the victims as soon as they tried to run away. Most victims were shot after they had fallen into the pits. The shots were fired from machine guns set up on the wooded hill by the graves. Those who did not run or ran in another direction were shot on site by those Lithuanians and Germans who had earlier grouped them together.

      A German policeman who had himself taken part in the executions shortly thereafter told Breslau Cardinal Adolf Bertram which police units had carried out this massacre. Bertram recorded the following (Wette, Jäger, page 129, quoting after Scheffler, "Massenmord in Kowno", p. 84; my translation):
      The execution detachment was made up of members of the SS and the Security Police and local Lithuanians. German soldiers had not taken part in the shootings in Kowno. All were clad in Lithuanian uniforms. The shootings had even been filmed. These films are supposed to prove that not the Germans but the Lithuanians had shot the Jews.

      Whereas most Lithuanian Jews murdered by Einsatzkommando 3 died anonymously, the German Federal Archives managed to establish the names of many German Jews murdered at Kaunas. The online version of the memorial book Opfer der Verfolgung der Juden unter der nationalsozialistischen Gewaltherrschaft in Deutschland 1933-1945 (Victims of the Persecution of the Jews under the National Socialist Rule of Violence in Germany 1933-1945) includes a search engine in which names of German citizens of Jewish faith or descent who fell victim to Nazi persecution can be found according to various criteria (last name, first name, maiden name, date of birth, domicile, place of imprisonment, place of expulsion, country of emigration, place of deportation, country of emigration, place of death, departure place of deportation). A search for place of death "Kowno" turns up 76 pages with 3,782 names in alphabetic order. For each name the database contains date and place of birth, domicile, deportation place of departure and destination, deportation date of departure and date and place of death. Ernst Abeles, for instance, was born on 21 Juni 1895 in Chyse (German Chiesch) / Zlutice / Bohemia (present-day Czech Republic). He lived in Munich. On 20 November 1941 he was deported from Munich to Kowno, where he died at Fort IX on 25 November 1941.

      All 3,782 names have been copied onto the HC forum’s thread German Jews killed at Kaunas Fort IX.

      Next part:
      The Jäger Report (7)

      The Jäger Report (7)

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      The seventh blog of this series addresses the events that led to a temporary suspension of the extermination of Lithuania’s Jews after the massacres organized by Einsatzkommando 3 in 1941, and the fate of this Jewish community’s remainders. Like in the previous blogs of this series, the information presented in this blog is mostly based on German historian Wolfram Wette’s biography of Karl Jäger (Wolfram Wette, Karl Jäger. Mörder der litauischen Juden, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2011, hereinafter "Wette, Jäger").




      In parallel with the murder of the Jews another mass crime, for which the German Wehrmacht was exclusively responsible, took place in the autumn and winter of 1941 on the edges of Kaunas (Kowno). The camps there housed Soviet prisoners of war employed in work on the Kaunas airport Aleksotas, which was to be taken over by the German air force after completion. Food was so insufficient that in September 1941 about 300 prisoners per day died in the camps around Kaunas alone. In the months November and December about 60,000 prisoners died in the area of Reichskommissariat Ostland, an average of 2,190 per day. In September 1941 Kaunas eye doctor Kutorgiene noted the following in her diary (Wette, Jäger, p. 131, quoting from the diary of Dr. Elena Kutorgiene-Buivydaite, in: Wassili Grossmann/Ilja Ehrenburg, Das Schwarzbuch. Der Genocid an den sowjetischen Juden, Reinberg bei Hamburg 1994 pp. 619-673, p. 658; my translation):
      From the Leningrad front transports with Russian prisoners are arriving. The wagons are full to bursting, many die along the way, many are close to death when they arrive. Hundreds are shot right at the railway embankment, as the Germans make short shrift of all who are week. A railway employee saw mounds of corpses of Soviet prisoners at the Kaunas station with his own eyes.

      According to recent historical research a total of about 170,000 Soviet prisoners of war died on the territory of Lithuania, mainly in the autumn and winter of 1941 (Wette, Jäger, p. 131). The destruction of the Soviet prisoners of war was the second largest crime committed by Nazi Germany on Lithuanian territory, after the genocide of the Jews.

      The less Soviet prisoners of war were available as workers, the more the Wehrmacht requisitioned Jewish workers from the Kaunas city commissariat. Thus the extermination activity of Einsatzkommando 3 was slowed down. As was already mentioned, there were selections of able-bodied Jews during the "Big Action" on 29 October 1941, among others.

      The German civilian administration issued so-called Jordan passes – after the city commissar by that name – to those Jews who were to be used as forced laborers. To the Jews these were "life passes", as they meant a chance to survive for those sent to the "good site" during selections.

      Like the Soviet prisoners of war before them, the able-bodied Jews had to work on the Aleksotas airport, from early morning until night, harassed and often beaten by the guards. However, it seems that they were not treated quite as badly as the remaining Soviet POWs, who according to a Jewish worker were killed in their hundreds every day, "weak as flies" and receiving even lower rations than the Jewish forced laborers (Wette, Jäger, p. 132).

      The mass dying of the Soviet prisoners of war was one of the reasons why about 15,000 so-called working Jews managed to temporarily survive in Kaunas – contrary to Jäger’s intentions, as he pointed out on page 7 of the Jäger Report:
      I can state today that the goal of solving the Jewish problem for Lithuania has been achieved by Einsatzkommando 3. In Lithuania, there are no more Jews, other than the Work Jews, including their families. They are:
      In Schaulen around 4,500
      In Kauen “ 15,000
      In Wilna “ 15,000
      I also wanted to kill these Work Jews, including their families, which however brought upon me acrimonious challenges from the civil administration (the Reichskommisar) and the army and caused the prohibition: the Work Jews and their families are not to be shot!

      In May 1942 SS-Obergruppenführer Heinrich Müller, head of the Gestapo, saw the need of calling Jäger’s attention, in a secret radio message, to Himmler’s general instruction whereby "able-bodied Jews and Jewesses aged 16 to 32 years are until further notice to be exempted from special measures" (Wette, Jäger, p. 133, citing Funkspruch Müller an KdS Litauen, Standartenführer Jäger, dd. 18.5.1942, in: Peter Klein (editor) Die Einsatzgruppen in der besetzten Sowjetunion 1941/42. Die Tätigkeits- und Lageberichte des Chefs der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD, Berlin 1997, pp. 410f., Document 18; my translation).

      Jäger decided that the male "working Jews" were to be sterilized "in order to prevent their reproduction". Jewesses who got pregnant were to be liquidated. Jäger issued a corresponding order on 24 July 1942. It has not been established whether and to what extent this order was carried out. However, the physician SS-Hauptsturmführer Dr. Karl Böhmchen is known to have acted as a "fanatical executor" of Jäger’s order in performing forced abortions (Wette, Jäger, pp. 139).

      In Siauliai the Jewish Council, which was aware of Jäger’s order, established in March 1943 that there were twenty pregnant Jewesses in the ghetto. It decided to induce the women by pressure and persuasion into performing abortions. In the case of a woman in her eighth month of pregnancy the Council decided that a doctor was to induce a premature birth and a nurse was to kill the child (Wette, Jäger, pp. 139-140).

      The German civilian administration in Lithuania and Latvia was not always indifferent to the mass killing of Jewish women and children. On occasion of the shooting of 470 women and children in the Latvian port city of Libau (Liepaja) and similar massacres in the surrounding rural areas and small towns, the Regional Commissar of Libau, Dr. Walter Almor, wrote a report on 14 October 1941 to his superior Hinrich Lohse, Reich Commissioner for the Eastern Territories, which contained the following statements (Wette, Jäger, p. 140, quoting after Klein, Einsatzgruppen, pp. 41f.; my translation):
      Especially the shooting of women and children, who sometimes had to be taken to the execution site screaming, has been the source of general horror. The rather compliant mayor of Libau […] appeared personally before me and pointed out the agitation throughout the city. Also officers asked me if this cruel manner of executing even children was necessary. In any cultured state and even in the Middle Ages it was not allowed to kill pregnant women. Here even that was not taken into consideration.[…] I am of the opinion that this will one day turn out to be a serious mistake. Unless one also liquidates thereafter all elements participating therein. (Es sei denn, dass man alle dabei mitwirkenden Elemente auch anschlieβend liquidiert.)

      The relationship between the German civilian administration of Kaunas and Jäger in the years 1942 and 1943 was marked by a conflict of interests. Whereas Jäger wanted to continue exterminating the Jews, the civilian administration thought in terms of war economy and wanted to exploit the Jews’ labor force. The latter interest prevailed in the Kaunas ghetto’s relatively quiet phase following the first murder wave in December 1941. In the summer of 1943 between 15,000 and 17,000 Jews were living in the Kaunas ghetto, of whom about 10,000 were working at 140 sites in and around Kaunas. In the summer and autumn of 1943 the war economy department of the Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt) went about to put an end to the ghetto’s civilian administration and convert the ghetto into a concentration camp under SS administration. A corresponding order concerning the whole Reichskommissariat Ostland (Reich Commissariat Eastern Territories) had been issued by Himmler on 21 June 1943. On 15 September 1943 the Kaunas ghetto including its production sites was taken over by the SS and re-designated a concentration camp.

      Jäger was involved only in the initial phase of this transformation process, because on 2 August 1943 he was relieved from his duties as Commander of Security Police. His successor, Schmitz, supervised the exhumation and cremation of the corpses at Fort IX beginning in September 1943. On Christmas Day 1943 members of the working detachment managed to flee from the fort and reported to the Jews in the concentration camp that they had cremated 45,000 corpses from 15 mass graves (Wette, Jäger, p. 141).

      The surviving Jews of Kaunas hoped that their usefulness for the war effort would guarantee their survival. However, a mass execution on 26 October 1943, which claimed 2,758 lives, showed how delusory this hope was. In the same month about 2,800 Kaunas Jews were deported to work camps in Estonia (Wette, Jäger, pp. 141-42). One of these camps was the Klooga labor camp, where about 2,000 forced laborers were shot in September 1944.

      The remaining inhabitants of the Kaunas ghetto included the families of the working Jews. On 27 and 28 March 1944 the Germans undertook a particularly hideous operation. About 1,000 children and 300 elderly people were dragged out of their apartments and transported to the Auschwitz and Majdanek concentration camps, where they were killed. Most of the children’s parents were on forced labor assignments outside the ghetto, and when they returned in the evening they found that their children had been taken away (Wette, Jäger, pp. 142-143).

      Between 7 and 12 July 1944, the concentration camp was dissolved. Many of the Jews still alive were deported to Auschwitz, to Stutthof or to concentration camps in Germany. Of the about 2,000 Jews who had hidden inside the camp and sometimes put up heavy resistance, many died when the SS burned down the concentration camp area and blew up the buildings (Wette, Jäger, p. 144). A French colonel who entered Kovno with the Red Army in August 1944 gave an account describing "heaps of corpses of men, women, and children in the streets and in ruined cellars". Photographs presumably showing some of these corpses are linked to in the blog June 22, 1941 (numbers 203, 206, 207).

      The Vilna ghetto, according to the online chronology, was liquidated on 23 and 24 September 1944:
      8,000 of the 10,000 surviving Jews were taken to Rossa Square. There, a selection took place. Those able to work were sent to labor camps, men to Estonia and women to Latvia. Some were eventually transferred to the Stutthof concentration camp. Between 4,300 and 5,000 elderly women and children were sent to Sobibor. None survived. Several hundred children and elderly men and women were sent to Ponary.

      At the end of September 1943 Einsatzkommando 4a under Paul Blobel went about trying to destroy the evidence of the mass killings at Ponary within the scope of Aktion 1005.

      A final massacre among Jews working in the "Keilis" and "HKP 562" factories at Vilnius took place on 2 July 1944. The aforementioned chronology describes it as follows:
      Workers Aktion in Keilis and HKP 562. Immediately after the retreat of the Wehrmacht from Vilnius and the abandonment by them of the HKP workshops on 2 July 1944 the SS took 1,800 of the prisoners to Ponary and shot them. A small number of the workers remained in hiding until the Red Army entered Vilnius on 13 July 1944.

      The ghetto at Siauliai (Shavli, Schaulen), also converted into a concentration camp, was liquidated in July 1944. The surviving inmates were deported to other concentration camps.

      Next part:
      The Jäger Report (8)

      19 November 1942

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      The book A Writer at War:A Soviet Journalist with the Red Army, 1941-1945, edited and translated by Antony Beevor and Luba Vinogradova, features some interesting pieces of Soviet journalist Vassili Grossman's writing as a war correspondent with the Soviet Army. One of the most impressive of these is Grossman's article about Treblinka extermination camp, which appeared in November 1944 in the magazine Znamya under the title "The Hell Called Treblinka".




      Grossman's article about Treblinka contains some factual inaccuracies. For instance, Grossman overestimated at three million the death toll of Treblinka, which is currently held to be around 800,000 (according to the editors, "The reason why Grossman’s estimate was excessive is probably quite simple. He was right about the sixty carriages per train, but he does not seem to have discovered that because the station platform by the extermination camp was so short, the trains used to halt some way off, and only a section at a time was shunted to the platform. Thus it was not five trains of sixty carriages per day, but generally a single train split up into five sections.").

      Yet despite these inaccuracies, Grossman's Treblinka article stands out for the author's unique attempt to understand the confusion in the minds of the deportees and the hopelessness of their situation, which led to the passivity of most in being taken to the gas chambers. The respective parts of Grossman's article are quoted hereafter; emphases are mine.
      The summer of 1942, the period of the fascists’ greatest military successes, was declared a good time to carry out the second part of the scheme of physical annihilation. … In July, the first trains started coming to Treblinka from Warsaw and Chenstohova. People were told that they were being taken to the Ukraine to work in agriculture. They were allowed to take twenty kilograms of luggage and food. In many cases, Germans had forced their victims to buy railway tickets to the station of Ober-Maidan, which was the cover name the German authorities had given to Treblinka. The point of giving Treblinka this name was that rumours about the terrible place had soon started to circulate all over Poland, and the SS men stopped using the word Treblinka when putting people on trains. However, the way people were treated on the trains left no doubts about the future fate of the passengers. At least 150, but usually 180-200 people were forced into a single freight car. During the journey, which lasted sometimes two or three days, prisoners were given no water. People were suffering so much from thirst that they drank their own urine. Guards charged one hundred zloty for a mouthful of water, and usually just took the money giving people no water in return. The people were squashed against one another, and sometimes had to stand up all the way. A number of old people with heart problems would usually die before the end of the journey; particularly during the hot days of summer. As the doors were kept shut all the time until the end of the journey, the corpses would begin to decay, poisoning the air in the wagon … If one of the passengers lit a match during the night, guards would start shooting at the side of the freight car …

      Trains from other European countries arrived at Treblinka in a very different manner. The people in them had never heard of Treblinka, and believed until the last minute that they were going to work … These trains from European countries arrived with no guards, and with the usual stuff. There were sleeping cars and restaurant cars in them. Passengers had big trunks and suitcases, as well as substantial supplies of food. The passengers' children ran out at the stations they passed and asked whether it was still a long way to Ober-Maidan …

      It is hard to tell whether it is less terrible to go towards one’s own death in the state of terrible suffering, knowing that one was getting closer and closer to one’s death, or to be absolutely unaware, glance from a window of a comfortable passenger car right at the moment when people from the station at Treblinka are telephoning the camp to pass on details about the train which has just arrived and the number of people in it.

      Apparently, in order to achieve the final deception for people arriving from Europe, the railroad dead-end siding was made to look like a passenger station. On the platform at which another twenty carriages would be unloaded stood a station building with a ticket office, baggage room and a restaurant hall. There were arrows everywhere, indicating ‘To Bialystok’, ‘To Baranovichi’, ‘To Volokovysk’, etc. By the time the train arrived, there would be a band playing in the station building, and all the musicians were dressed well. A porter in railway uniform took tickets from the passengers and let them pass on to the square.

      Three or four thousand people loaded with sacks and suitcases would go out into this square supporting the old and sick. Mothers were holding babies in their arms, older children kept close to their parents looking inquisitively at the square. There was something sinister and horrible in this square whose earth had been trampled by millions of human feet. The strained eyes of the people were quick to catch alarming little things. There were some objects abandoned on the ground, which had been swept hastily, apparently a few minutes before the party emerged – a bundle of clothes, an open case, a shaving brush, enamel saucepans. How did they get here? And why, right where the platform ends, is there no more railway and only yellow grass growing behind a three-metre-high wire fence? Where is the railway leading to Bialystok, to Sedlez, Warsaw, Volokovysk? And the new guards grin in such a strange way surveying the men adjusting their ties, neat old ladies, boys wearing navy shirts, thin girls who had managed to keep their clothes tidy throughout this journey, young mothers adjusting lovingly the blankets in which their babies are wrapped, the babies who are wrinkling their faces … What is there, behind this huge, six-metre-high wall, which is densely covered with yellowing pine branches and with bedding? These coverlets, too, are alarming: they are all different colours, padded, silk or satin. They are reminiscent of the eiderdowns that they, the newcomers, have brought with them. How did this bedding get here? Who brought it with them? And where are their owners? Why don’t they need them any longer? And who are these people with light blue armbands? One remembers all the thoughts that have come into one’s head recently, all the fears, all the rumours that were told in a whisper. No, no, this can’t be true. And one drives the terrible thoughts away. People have a few moments to dwell on their fears in the square, until all the newcomers are assembled in it. There are always delays. In each transport there are the crippled, the limping, and old and sick people, who can hardly move their feet. But finally everyone is in the square.

      An SS Unteroffizier suggests in a loud and distinct voice that the newcomers leave their luggage in the square and go to the bathhouse, with just their personal documents, valuables and the smallest possible bags with what they need for washing. Dozens of questions appear immediately in the heads of people standing in the square: whether they can take fresh underwear with them, whether they can unpack their bundles, whether the luggage of different people piled in the square might get mixed up or lost? But some strange force makes them walk, hastily and silently, asking no questions, not looking back, to the gate in a six-metre-high wall of wire camouflaged with branches.

      They pass anti-tank hedgehogs, the fence of barbed wire three times the height of a man, a three-metre-wide anti-tank moat, more wire, this time thin, thrown on the ground in concertina rolls, in which the feet of a runner could get stuck like fly’s legs in a spider web, and another wall of barbed wire, many meters high. And a terrible feeling of doom, of being completely helpless comes over them: it’s impossible to run away, or turn back, or fight. The barrels of large-calibre machine guns are looking at them from the low wooden towers. Call for help? But there are SS men and guards all around, with sub-machine guns, hand grenades and pistols. They are the power. In their hands are tanks and aircraft, lands, cities, the sky, railways, the law, newspapers, radio. The whole world is silent, suppressed, enslaved by a brown gang of bandits which has seized power. London is silent and New York, too. And only somewhere on a bank of the Volga, many thousands of kilometres away, the Soviet artillery is roaring.

      Meanwhile, in the square, in front of the railway station, a group of workers with sky-blue armbands is silently and efficiently unpacking the bundles, opening baskets and suitcases, unfastening the straps on the bags. The belongings of the newcomers are being sorted out and evaluated. They throw on the ground someone’s carefully arranged sewing kits, balls of threads, children’s underwear, undershirts, sheets, jumpers, little knives, shaving sets, bundles of letters, photographs, thimbles, bottles of perfume, mirrors, caps, valenki made from quilts for the cold weather, women’s shows, stockings, lace, pyjamas, packs of butter, coffee, jars with cocoa, prayer shawls, candleholders, books, rusks, violins, children’s blocks. One needs skill to be able to sort out all these thousands of objects within minutes and to appraise them. Some are selected to be sent to Germany. Others – the second-rate, the old and the repaired – have to be burned. A worker who’d make a mistake, like putting an old cardboard suitcase into a heap of leather ones selected to be sent to Germany, or throwing a pair of stockings from Paris, with a factory label on them, into a heap of old mended socks, would get into serious trouble. A worker could make only one mistake. Forty SS men and sixty Wachmänner were working ‘on the transport’. (5) This was how they referred to the first stage which I have just described: receiving a train, unloading people at the ‘railway station’ and getting them into the square, and watching the workers who sorted and evaluated the luggage. While doing this job, the workers often secretly shovelled into their mouths pieces of bread, sugar and sweets which they found in the bags with food. This was not allowed. It was, however, permitted to wash hands and faces with eau de Cologne and perfumes after they’d finished their work, as water was in scarce supply and only Germans and guards could use it to wash. And while the people, who were still alive, were preparing for the bathhouse, their luggage would already have been sorted, valuable things taken to the warehouse, and heaps of letters, photographs of new-born babies, brothers, fiancées, yellowed wedding announcements, all these thousands of precious objects, infinitely important for their owners, but only rubbish for the owners of Treblinka, were piled in heaps and carried to huge holes, where already lay hundreds of thousands of such letters, postcards, visiting cards, photographs, pieces of paper with children’s scribbles on them. The square was swept hastily and was ready to receive a new delivery of people sentenced to death.

      But things did not always go as well as I have just described. Rebellions sometimes broke out in cases when people knew about their destination. A local peasant, Skrzeminski, twice saw how people broke out of the trains, knocked down the guards and rushed towards the forest. They were all killed to the last man. In one of these cases, the men were carrying four children, aged from four to six. The children, too, were killed. A peasant woman, Maria Kobus, told about similar cases. Once, she saw how sixty people who had reached the forest were killed.

      But the new batch of prisoners have already reached the second square, inside the camp’s fences. There is a huge barrack in this square, and another three on the right. Two of them are warehouses for clothes, the third one is for shoes. Further on, in the western part of the camp, there are barracks for SS men, for guards, warehouses, for food and a farmyard. Cars and an armed vehicle are standing in the yard. It all looks like an ordinary camp, just like Camp No. 1. In the south-east corner of the farmyard, there’s a space fenced off with tree branches, with a booth at its front, on which is written ‘Sanitorium’. Here, all frail and very sick people are separated from the crowd. A doctor in a white apron with a Red Cross bandage on his left sleeve comes out to meet them. I will tell you below in more detail what happened at the sanatorium. There, Germans used their Walther automatic pistols to spare old people from the burden of all possible diseases.

      The key to the second phase of handling the newcomers was the suppression of their will by constantly giving them short and rapid orders. These commands were given in that tone of voice, of which the German Army is so proud: the tone which proved that Germans belonged to the race of lords. The ‘r’, at the same time guttural and hard, sounded like a whip. ‘Achtung’ carried over the crowd. In the leaden silence, the Scharführer's voice pronounced the words, which he had learned by heart, repeating them several times a day for several months: ‘Men, stay here! Women and children undress in the barracks on the left!’

      This was when terrible scenes usually started, according to witnesses. That great maternal, marital, filial love told people that they were seeing each other for the last time. Handshakes, kisses, blessings, tears, brief words uttered by husky voices – people put into them all their love, all the pain, all the tenderness, all the despair. The SS psychiatrists of death knew that they had to cut these feelings off immediately, extinguish them. The psychiatrists of death knew the simple laws that prove true at all slaughterhouses of the world. This moment of separating daughters and fathers, mothers and sons, grandchildren and their grandmothers, husbands and wives was the most crucial. And again, ‘Achtung! Achtung!’’ resounds above the crowd. This is just the right moment to confuse people’s minds once more, to sprinkle them with hope, telling them the regulations of death that pass for those of life. The same voice trumpets word after word:

      ‘Women and children must take their shoes off when entering the barracks. Stockings must be put into shoes. Children’s stocking into their sandals, boots and shoes. Be tidy.’ And immediately the next order: ‘Going to the bathhouse, you must have your documents, money, a towel and soap. I repeat …’


      Inside the women’s barracks was a hairdresser’s. Naked women’s hair was cut with clippers. Wigs were removed from the heads of old women. A terrible psychological phenomenon: according to the hairdressers, for the women, this death haircut was the most convincing proof of being taken to the banya. Girls felt their hair with their hands and sometimes asked: ‘Could you cut it again here? It is not even.’ Women usually relaxed after their hair was cut, and almost all emerged from the barracks with a piece of soap and a folded towel. Some young women cried, mourning their beautiful long plaits. What were the haircuts for? In order to deceive them? No, Germany needed this hair. The hair was a raw material. I’ve asked many people, what did Germans do with these heaps of hair cut from the heads of the living dead? All the witnesses told me that the huge heaps of black, blonde hair, curls and plaits were disinfected, pressed into sacks and sent to Germany. All the witnesses confirmed that the hair was sent in the sacks to Germany. How was it used? No one could answer this question. Only Kon stated in his written evidence that the hair was used by the navy stuffing mattresses or making hawsers for submarines. I think that this answer requires additional clarification.

      Men undressed in the yard. Usually, Germans selected 150-300 strong men from the first lot to arrive in the morning. They were used to bury corpses and were generally killed on the second day. Men had to undress very quickly and tidily, leaving their shoes and socks in order, folding their underwear, jackets and trousers. Clothes and shoes were sorted by the second team of workers, who wore red armbands that distinguished them from those working ‘on the transport’. Clothing and shoes considered suitable for dispatch to Germany were immediately taken to the warehouse. All metal and fabric labels had to be removed from them carefully. The remaining things were burned or buried in the ground. The feeling of anxiety grew every minute. There was a strange, disquieting smell, which was at times overpowered by the smell of chlorine. Huge quantities of importunate flies seemed strange, too. Where were they all coming from, here, among pines and the trampled earth? People were breathing noisily, afraid, shuddering, peering at every insignificant little object they thought could explain, help understand, lift slightly the curtain of secret about the fate that lay ahead for them. And why are gigantic excavators rattling so loudly there, further to the south?

      A new procedure would then begin. Naked people were led to the cash office and asked to submit their documents and valuables. And once again, a frightening, hypnotising voice would shout: ‘Achtung! Achtung!’ … Concealing valuables is punishable by death …Achtung! Achtung!’ A Scharführer was sitting in a little booth knocked up from timber. SS men and Wachmänner were standing next to him. By the booth stood wooden boxes, into which the valuables had to be thrown: a box for banknotes, a box for coins, a box for watches, rings, earrings and brooches, for bracelets. And documents, which no one on earth any longer needed, were thrown on the ground – these were the documents of naked people who would be lying in the earth an hour later. But gold and valuables were subject to careful sorting – dozens of jewellers determined the pureness of metal, values of jewels, water of the diamonds. And an amazing thing was that the swine utilized everything, even paper and fabric – anything which could be useful to anyone, was important and useful to these swine. Only the most precious thing in the world, human life, was trampled by their boots. Here, at the cash office, came the turning point. The tormenting of people with lies ended; the torture of not knowing, a fever that threw them within minutes from hope to despair, from visions of life to visions of death … And when the time came for the last stage of robbing the living dead, the Germans changed their style of treating their victims abruptly. They tore things off their victims’ fingers, tore earrings out of their earlobes. At this stage, the conveyor executioner’s block required a new principle for functioning efficiently. This is why the word ‘Achtung!’ was replaced by another one, flapping, hissing: ‘Schneller! Schneller! Schneller!’ Quick, hurry up! Run into the non-existence!

      We know from the cruel reality of recent years that a naked person immediately loses the strength to resist, to struggle against his fate. When stripped, a person immediately loses the strength of the instinct to live and one accepts one’s destiny like a fate. A person who used to have an intransigent thirst for life becomes passive and indifferent.

      But to reassure themselves, the SS men applied additionally at this final stage of the conveyor execution work the method of monstrous stupefaction, of sending people into the state of complete psychological, spiritual shock. How did they do that? By applying a senseless, illogical cruelty, suddenly, sharply.

      Naked people who had lost everything, but were still a thousand times more human than the beasts in German uniform were still breathing, watching, thinking, their hearts were still beating. The guards knocked pieces of soap and towels out of their hands and lined them up in rows, five people in each. ‘Hände hoch! Marsch! Schneller! Schneller! Schneller!’ They stepped into a straight alley, with flowers and fir trees planted along it. It was 120 meters long and two meters wide and led to the place of execution. There was wire on both sides of this alley, and guards in black uniforms and SS men in grey ones were standing there shoulder to shoulder. The road was sprinkled with white sand, and those who were walking in front with their hands up could see the fresh prints of bare feet in this loose sand: small women’s feet, very small children’s ones, those left by old people’s feet. These ephemeral footprints in the sand were all that was left of thousands of people who had walked here recently, just like the four thousand that were walking now, like the other thousands who would walk here two hours later, who were now waiting for their turn at the railway branch in the forest. People who’d left their footprints had walked here just like those who walked here yesterday, and ten days ago, and a hundred days ago, like they would walk tomorrow, and fifty days later, like people did throughout the thirteen hellish months of Treblinka’s existence.

      The Germans called this alley ‘The Road of No Return’. A little man, who was making faces all the time and whose family name was Sukhomil, shouted with grimaces, in a deliberately broken German: ‘Children, children! Schneller, Schneller! The water’s getting cold in the bathhouse. Schneller, Kinder, schneller!’ And he exploded with laughter, squatted, danced. People, their hands still raised, walked in silence between the two lines of guards, under the blows of sticks, submachine-gun butts, rubber truncheons. Children had to run to keep up with the adults. Speaking about this last, sorrowful passage, all witnesses mentioned the atrocities of one humanlike creature, an SS man called Zepf. He specialised in killing children. This beast, who possessed a massive physical strength, would suddenly seize a child out of the crowd, and either hit the child’s head against the ground waving the child like a cudgel, or tear the child in two halves.

      Zepf’s work was important. It added to the psychological shock of the doomed people, and showed how the illogical cruelty was able to crush people’s will and consciousness. He was a useful screw in the great machine of the fascist state.

      And we should all be terrified, but not by the nature that gives birth to such degenerates. There are lots of monstrosities in the organic world – Cyclops, creatures with two heads, as well as the corresponding terrible spiritual monstrosities and perversities. It is another thing that is terrible: these creatures that had to be isolated and studied like psychiatric phenomena were living in a certain country as active and useful citizens.

      The journey from the ‘cash office’ to the place of execution took sixty to seventy seconds. People, urged on by the blows and deafened by the shouts ‘Schneller! Schneller!’, reached the third square and stopped for a moment, startled. In front of them was a beautiful stone building decorated with wood, looking like an ancient temple. Five wide stone steps led to the low, but very wide, massive, beautiful ornate door. There were flowers growing by the entrance, and flowerpots stood there. But all around there was chaos, one could see piles of freshly dug earth everywhere. A vast excavator was throwing out tons of sandy yellow soil, grinding its steel jaws, and the dust it raised was hanging between the earth and the sun. The rattling of the machine digging from morning till evening, the enormous trench graves, mixed with a mad barking of dozens of Alsatian guard dogs.

      There were narrow-gauge railway lines on both sides of the death building, along which men in baggy overalls brought dumper trucks. The wide door of the death house opened slowly, and two assistants of the chief, whose name was Schmidt, appeared by the entrance. They were sadists and maniacs, one of them tall, about thirty years old, with broad shoulders, a dark-skinned excited face and black hair, the other one younger, short, with brown hair and waxy, yellow cheeks. We know the names and surnames of these traitors to mankind. The tall one was holding a massive, metre-long gas tube in the hand, the other one was armed with a sabre.

      At this moment, the SS men would unleash the trained dogs, who threw themselves on the crowd and tore the naked bodies with their teeth. SS men were beating people with sub-machine gun butts, urging on petrified women, and shouting wildly: ‘Schneller! Schneller!’

      Schmidt’s assistants at the entrance to the building drove people through the open doors into the gas chambers.

      The SS-man called "Zepf" was Josef Hirtreiter, the name "Zepf" resulting from a misunderstanding by Treblinka inmates of "Sepp", a typical German short form of Hirtreiter's first name by which other SS-men called Hirtreiter. This was established by the Frankfurt Court of Assizes (Landgericht) at a trial that ended with the court's judgment dated 3.3.1951 (14/53 Ks 1/50). While the court's findings of fact regarding Hirtreiter's crimes don't mention the cruelties described in Grossmann's article (the judgment mentioned that Hirtreiter's participation in the gassing in Treblinka's "Upper Camp" could not be proven), they mention that Hirtreiter frequently hit people on their way through the "tube" (with a special whip interlaced with lead), on several occasions conducted old people and children to the so-called "Lazarett", where they were shot, and in at least 4 cases killed children 1½ - 2 years old, who had been left behind by the railway cars at the guards' orders, by grabbing them by their legs and smashing their heads against the railway cars. Hirtreiter was sentenced to lifetime imprisonment.

      Grossman aptly characterized the hopelessness of the deportees' situation by pointing out that, as virtually all of Europe was under Nazi control, the deportees had nowhere to run to and no one to help them:

      And a terrible feeling of doom, of being completely helpless comes over them: it’s impossible to run away, or turn back, or fight. The barrels of large-calibre machine guns are looking at them from the low wooden towers. Call for help? But there are SS men and guards all around, with sub-machine guns, hand grenades and pistols. They are the power. In their hands are tanks and aircraft, lands, cities, the sky, railways, the law, newspapers, radio. The whole world is silent, suppressed, enslaved by a brown gang of bandits which has seized power. London is silent and New York, too. And only somewhere on a bank of the Volga, many thousands of kilometres away, the Soviet artillery is roaring.


      On this date 70 years ago, at 7:20 hours Moscow time, a devastating barrage from 3,500 Soviet guns against the Third Romanian Army marked the beginning of Operation Uranus, which led to the encirclement and eventual destruction of the German Sixth Army at Stalingrad. Nikolai Iwanowitsch Krylow, the Soviet 62nd Army's Chief of Staff, is quoted on the German Wikipedia page about the battle as having written that "the people in the countries assaulted by Germany and the millions in the concentration camps gained their first hope" (my translation of the German text) with the Soviet victory at Stalingrad.

      Yet for the people taken to Treblinka and the other Nazi extermination camps, that hope was too far away. The Soviet Army would reach the area of Treblinka extermination camp only in August 1944, by which time the camp had long been dismantled, having served its purpose. An event that may have hastened the closing of Treblinka was described as follows in Grossman's article:
      There was one happy day in the hell of Treblinka … The prisoners planned an uprising. They had nothing to lose. They had all been sentenced to death. Every day of their present existence was a day of suffering and torture. Germans would have had no mercy for them, witnesses of terrible crimes, they would all end up in one of the gas chambers and be replaced by new men. Only a few dozen men survived in Treblinka for weeks or months, instead of days. These were qualified specialists – carpenters, stonemasons, tailors, hairdressers. They were the ones who formed a committee for the uprising. They didn’t want to escape until they had destroyed Treblinka.
      [...]
      A decision was made to start the uprising on 2 August. The signal was to be a revolver shot. (11) New flames soared into the sky, this time not the heavy greasy flames of the burning corpses, but the bright, hot and violent flames of a fire. The camp buildings were burning … A thunder of shots was heard, machine guns started to fire from captured, rebel towers. The air was shaken with rattling and cracking, the whistling of bullets became louder than the humming of carrion flies. On 2 August, the evil blood of SS men poured on to the soil of the hellish Treblinka. … They were all confused, they forgot about the system of Treblinka’s defence that had been prepared so hellishly well, forgot about the deadly fire that had been organised in advance, forgot about their weapons. While Treblinka was ablaze and the rebels broke through the fences, saying a silent goodbye to the ashes of their people, SS and police units were rushed in from all directions to hunt them down. Hundreds of police dogs were sent after them. German aircraft were sent up. Battles went on in the forest and in the marches. Very few of the rebels survived, but what difference does it make? They died fighting, with weapons in their hands.

      The Jäger Report (8)

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      The Jäger Report (1)

      The Jäger Report (2)

      The Jäger Report (3)

      The Jäger Report (4)

      The Jäger Report (5)

      The Jäger Report (6)

      The Jäger Report (7)

      The eighth and last blog of this series addresses Karl Jäger's involvement in the killings committed by Einsatzkommando 3 in 1941, his further wartime career and his postwar life until his arrest, interrogation and suicide in 1959. Like in the previous blogs of this series, the information presented in this blog is mostly based on German historian Wolfram Wette’s biography of Karl Jäger (Wolfram Wette, Karl Jäger. Mörder der litauischen Juden, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2011, hereinafter "Wette, Jäger").




      Jäger’s criminal responsibility

      On page 7 of the Jäger Report, Jäger informed his superiors that he had been entirely successful in making Lithuania "free of Jews" – except for the 34,500 Work Jews he had been kept from killing by the German army and civilian administration. An additional unknown number of Jews, not mentioned in the Jäger Report, had been hidden by Lithuanian peasant families or fled into the forests and formed partisan units. Thus a group of 350 armed Jews from the Kaunas ghetto joined the partisans at the end of 1942.

      According to a handwritten report of Jäger’s dated 9 February 1942, the number of people killed by Einsatzkommando (EK) 3 had by that time risen to 138,272. Further killings followed, as mentioned in the previous article of this series, until almost all of Lithuania’s Jewry had been wiped out.

      Order Nr. 1331 from the Commander of Security Police and Security Service for the Eastern Territories (Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD Ostland) in Riga, instructing the commanders of EK 1 A in Reval, EK 1 B in Minsk and EK 3 in Kaunas to immediately submit information about executions carried out, broken down into A) Jews, B) communists, C) partisans, D) mental patients and E) others (to be specified), furthermore information about how many of the total were men, women and children. Facsimile in Wette, Jäger, page 146.

      Jäger’s reply dated 9 February 1942 to Order Nr. 1331. Jäger reports execution of A) 136,421 Jews, B) 1,064 communists, C) 56 partisans, D) 653 mental patients, E) 44 Poles, 28 Russian prisoners of war, 5 Gypsies, 1 Armenian. Total 138,272, thereof 55,556 women, 34,464 children. Facsimile in Wette, Jäger, page 147.

      What kind of perpetrator was Karl Jäger? Was he a writing desk criminal, who merely received and processed his subordinates' reports about the killing, but mostly stayed away from the dirty work of mass executions? Jäger’s most knowledgeable critic may have been SS-Hauptsturmführer Heinrich Schmitz, who succeeded Hamann in October 1941 as Jäger’s deputy. When interrogated in Ludwigsburg in 1960, Schmitz testified that due to his obsession with numbers Jäger had been the butt of jokes from his subordinates. On the whole his position as Commander of Security Police had overburdened him, and he had thus clung to seemingly tangible matters like the numbers of people shot. According to a later deposition by Schmitz, Jäger had only reached his position due to a wartime lack of personnel. As he had never held a regular job before, he felt insecure in the presence of any man who, like Schmitz, had undergone a regular career as a public servant and was familiar with administrative work. The office work had largely been done by Jäger’s subordinates Schmitz, Porst, Rauca and Stütz. SS-Hauptscharführer Rauca had been in charge of Jewish matters. (Wette, Jäger, p. 149; Schmitz’ interrogations referred to by Wette’s sources took place on 15.1.1960 and on 6.3, 9.3. and 4.12.1962).

      The critical assessments of Jäger’s lack of competence as a police commander, however, say little about the extent of his responsibility as a perpetrator. As commander of EK3 and then Commander of Security Police and SD (KdS) in Lithuania, Jäger bore the overall responsibility for the deaths of the 138,272 Lithuanian Jews and others who had been murdered until 9 February 1942, the date of his handwritten list shown above. Besides being formally the man in charge, Jäger also meticulously watched over his competences. In case of disputes about competences with other Einsatzkommandos Jäger effectively asserted his position. Dr. Erich Ehrlinger, former commander of Sonderkommando 1b, which was replaced in early July 1941 by EK3, described Jäger in 1959 as an elder gentleman of simple thinking, who was zealous about his actual or presumed competences. Jäger had been "extremely pigheaded" ("ausgesprochen dickköpfig") and considered himself the essential person on site. (Wette, Jäger, page 150, citing Ehrlinger’s deposition on 30.7.1959, Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. IV, Bl. 2501-3002 (Bl. 2677)). The police officials of EK3 and the KdS in Wilna and Siauliai, who murdered with the assistance of local auxiliaries just like their colleagues in Kaunas, were clearly subject to Jäger’s command. The Regional Commissioner of Siauliai, Hans Gewecke, testified after the war that Jäger had on 3 September 1941 ordered him to "liquidate all Jews in Schaulen" (Wette, Jäger, page 150, citing Aktenvermerk Hans Gewecke, in: Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen, Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/58. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. II, Bl. 785). At a later time Jäger had ordered Gewecke to liquidate parts of two ghettos in Siauliai, which Gewecke however refused to do with his back covered by Reich Commissioner Hinrich Lohse (Wette, Jäger, page 151, citing Curilla, Wolfgang, Die deutsche Ordnungspolizei und der Holocaust im Baltikum und in Weiβrussland, p. 891).

      Jäger was quite active in performing his functions, either by initiating murder operations through his general or specific orders or by giving Hamann and other SS-officers of EK3 a free hand to prepare and carry out murder operations on their own initiative with his approval. There are also several testimonies whereby Jäger was present at the shootings in Kaunas and personally supervised them. Like other Einsatzgruppen commandants Jäger maintained the principle that every German under his command had to prove his worth at shootings of Jews. He thus forced every one of his subordinates to take part in the shootings and accordingly also shot people himself. A detective chief superintendent by the name of Dr. Fritz Bartmann, who was transferred to the KdS Lithuania in July 1942 and acted as Jäger’s deputy, testified in 1959 that Jäger required each of his officers to take part in such actions and had told Bartmann that it would also be his turn one day. According to Bartmann, Jäger threatened officials who didn’t want to take part in liquidations by pointing his gun at them. (Wette, Jäger, p. 151, citing Bartmann's deposition recorded in Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. X, Bl. 5289-5295 (Bl. 5295)). A Gestapo official serving with the EK was once asked by Jäger whether he had already stood at the pit. (Wette, Jäger, p. 151, citing the deposition of former Gestapo official Ferdinand Schlemmer on 22.12.1959, in: Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. X, Bl. 5341). Another policeman testified that Jäger had always meant to incriminate everybody and personally issued liquidation orders (Wette, Jäger, p. 151, citing the deposition of Heinrich Erlen, in: Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. X, Bl. 5459-5463).

      Jäger also took initiatives of his own time after time, like when he ordered the shooting of the Jews transported to Kaunas from the Reich. His remarks on the last page of the Jäger Report ("I also wanted to kill these Work Jews, including their families, which however brought upon me acrimonious challenges from the civil administration (the Reichskommisar) and the army and caused the prohibition: the Work Jews and their families are not to be shot!") further show that Karl Jäger was a killer out of conviction, who meant to carry out his extermination work as completely as possible and deplored being hindered in doing so by military and civilian officials demanding that Jews be kept alive as laborers. In their final report dated 30 October 1959 about the shootings of Jews by EK3, the jurists of the Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen zur Aufklärung nationalsozialistischer Verbrechen (Central Office of the Federal States' Judicial Administrations for Investigation of National Socialist Crimes) therefore considered SS-Standartenführer Jäger to have been responsible for the mass murder of Lithuania’s Jews to the same extent as Hitler, Himmler and Heydrich (Wette, Jäger, p. 152, citing Zentrale Stelle, 30.10.1959, "Abschluβbericht über die durch EK3 bzw. KdS Litauen erfolgten Judenerschieβungen in Litauen", in: Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. X, Bl. 4357-4365 (Bl. 4359)).

      Jäger’s nightmares

      Despite his zeal, the mass killings left their mark on Jäger. SS-Brigadeführer Heinz Jost, who in 1942 temporarily replaced Walther Stahlecker (killed in a partisan attack) as head of Einsatzgruppe A and Commander of Security Police for the Eastern Territories, thus being Jäger’s direct superior, testified in 1959 that Jäger had confided to him in a private conversation that he could no longer sleep, saw dying women and small children all the time, even had hallucinations and could no longer go home as he had children and grandchildren himself. Jäger had called himself a lost man who could not be restored by a leave or by internment in a sanatorium, for he found no peace anymore (Wette, Jäger, page 153, citing Jost’s deposition on 27.6.1958, in: Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. II, Bl. 879). In another deposition Jost went into further detail:
      On occasion of a meeting with Jäger at the beginning of my activity in Riga, Jäger openly confided to me his sufferings of conscience. He told me that he could not sleep when he thought of the shootings in which he had taken part. Ghosts were haunting him all the time, he therefore could no longer face his wife with a clean conscience and neither could bear having his grandchildren on his lap.

      (Wette, Jäger, page 153, citing Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. I, Bl. 267 and Bd. IV, Bl. 1749; my translation.)

      Jost claimed to have thereupon promised Jäger that he would have to give no further orders for shooting Jews.

      From an SS point of view, being tormented by conscience revealed a lack of sufficiently strong nerves. Jäger’s maudlin remarks about the killings of the Jews were interpreted as meaning that Jäger was not as tough as required. This may have been the reason why, despite his outstanding murder record, Jäger was excluded from a further career in the SS. In August 1943 he was relieved from his position as KdS Lithuania, which he had held since 2 December 1941. Towards the end of the war he received a salary increase, but he remained in the rank of SS-Standartenführer, which he had already reached in 1940. (Wette, Jäger, page 154).

      Jäger ‘s activities in 1943-1945

      After being relieved from his post in Lithuania on 1 August 1943, Jäger was (according to his own deposition) assigned to command an operation against partisans. There are no written sources to confirm this claim, however. Then he went back to Berlin. Having heard that he was to be assigned to the – not very attractive – position of Hauskommandant (house commandant) at the Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA - Reich Security Main Office), Jäger protested with his superior Kaltenbrunner, pointing out that Kaltenbrunner’s predecessor Heydrich had guaranteed him the position of police president years before. But only in June 1944 Jäger was transferred to the position of police president in the city of Reichenberg in the Sudetenland, present-day Czech Republic. This was the position he held at the end of the war.

      After the Wehrmacht’s capitulation Jäger did not flee abroad as did many other higher SS-officers, and he neither hid under a false name. Instead he lived unrecognized in the American zone of occupation, near the city of Heidelberg.

      Jäger had been divorced from his first wife Emma in 1940. Shortly thereafter he had married Lotte Schlienenkamp, who was 24 years younger. He took his wife with him to Reichenberg. When the Red Army approached Reichenberg, Jäger considered whether he was to shoot himself, his wife and his child – he must thus have had a child from his second marriage – like a number of other higher SS-officers had done. Instead he decided to flee west. After an odyssey of five weeks the Jäger family reached the city of Tecklenburg in Westphalia.

      Jäger didn't remain there, however, because he feared being arrested for the mass murder of the Lithuanian Jews. The day after his arrival he left wife and child in Tecklenburg and went south to Freiburg im Breisgau and Walkirch, where he hoped to find work with the sewing silk manufacturer Güterman in Gutach near Waldkirch, who he had worked for in 1934 and 1935. Jäger agreed with his wife on a cover address under which they were to remain in contact. However, Jäger now went into hiding and wasn’t heard of in the following time. Lotte Jäger thereupon had him searched by the tracing service of the German Red Cross, fearing that he had been recognized and arrested by police authorities of the occupying powers. Yet the German Red Cross wasn’t able to establish Jäger's whereabouts for years. Jäger's second marriage was eventually divorced at Lotte’s request by a decision dated 20 March 1951 from the Court of Assizes (Landgericht) in Münster, Westphalia. At that time Jäger was 63 years old. (Wette, Jäger, pp. 155-156).

      Citizen of the German Federal Republic, 1949-1959

      When he returned to his home town of Waldkirch, Jäger was well received by people who had known him. Some had a vague idea that Jäger had had "something to do with the Jews", but no one had precise information in this respect – obviously including the French occupiers, who made no attempts to arrest the former SS-officer.

      Jäger spent several months in Waldkirch. In July 1945 he went to village of Wiesenbach in the Heidelberg district, where he was employed as a rural worker by the owner of a local mill. For six years, from the summer of 1945 to the summer of 1951, Jäger remained in Wiesenbach. Details about this phase of his life are not known. Between 1951 and his arrest in 1959 Jäger worked at the Kümmelbacher Hof, a spa resort near Heidelberg.

      About Jäger’s behavior in these years little is known. According to his own statements Jäger had no contact with former comrades. As he told an interrogator from the crime police in 1959, he had cut off links with his former life, including the members of his family, lived a lonely life and only rarely read a newspaper. Jäger pointed out that already in June 1945 he had been registered under his real name by the Americans in Thuringia. An interrogator in Ludwigsburg he told that after the war he had not been in hiding to avoid an eventual prosecution, but since 1945 been properly registered with his correct personal data, first in Wiesenbach and later at Kümmelbacher Hof near Heidelberg.

      This was a half-truth, however. While Jäger had filled in the registration form for the Wiesenbach community with his actual first and last name – both of which are not uncommon in Germany – he had omitted any connection to NS organizations. The community obviously took his self-presentation at face value and made no inquiries. Therefore Jäger also didn't have to undergo a denazification procedure. Instead he received a postcard certifying that he belonged to the "non-incriminated" category.

      American tracing authorities issued a warrant in 1948 to arrest the SS commander Jäger on charges of murder. Yet this measure did not lead to intensive investigations by German police authorities about Jäger's whereabouts. As far as known Jäger’s name was first mentioned by German authorities in connection with the preliminary investigations for the proceedings against SS-Oberführer Bernhard Fischer-Schweder at the Ulm Einsatzgruppen trial. In late 1956 the Federal Criminal Agency (Bundeskriminalamt) ordered a search for Jäger. But research at his former domiciles in Bonn, Düsseldorf, Münster, Freiburg, Waldkirch and Ravensburg at first met no success. The publication of a search warrant in the 1957 Federal Criminal Gazette, which included a photo of Jäger in SS uniform, also brought no results.

      The fact that mass murderer Jäger managed to live a relatively quiet life for fourteen years after the war was closely related to the prevailing attitude towards NS-criminals in the West German society during most of the 1950s. German authorities at that time searched neither for Jäger nor for other members of Einsatzkommando 3. The people that Jäger met in his new environment in the Heidelberg area either didn't know or didn't want to know about his past as an SS-officer. From the manager of the Kümmelbacher Hof Jäger did not conceal the fact that he had been in the SS and commander of the security police in the East, but the lady obviously kept this information to herself.

      In his book Vergangenheitspolitik, in which he addresses the suppression and palliation of the NS past between 1948 and 1955, historian Norbert Frei describes a case that can be considered representative of the political climate in that period. In the autumn of 1952 two sentenced German war criminals managed to escape from Werl prison in the federal state of Nordrhein-Westfalen. One of the escapees, Willhelm Kappe, who had been sentenced by the British to lifetime imprisonment for shooting a Russian prisoner of war, went to his relatives in the town of Aurich in East Frisia. Wilhelm Heidepeter, who had a fish trade in Aurich and was the local president of the Social Democratic Party in the town’s senate, learned about this and informed the police. Yet Kappe managed to flee again and could rely on solidarity by the population and the press. Heidepeter, on the other hand, was persecuted as an informer. Citizens armed with clubs went to his house, crashed his shop window and left a transparency reading: "Here lives the traitor!". Heidepeter, who had fled from Aurich in the meantime, was deposed from all public offices, an a proceeding to exclude him from the party was filed. In the German press no voice was raised to defend Heidepeter.

      Such was the atmosphere in West Germany in the early 1950s as concerns the Nazi past. The overwhelming majority of the population was nationalist like in Nazi times, showed solidarity with sentenced Nazi criminals (usually referred to as "so-called war criminals") and demanded their release, preferably in the form of a general amnesty. Press and politicians played the same tune. In late 1950 the American High Commissioner McCloy received death threats because he had refused to pardon war criminals awaiting the execution of the death penalty in Landsberg prison. McCloy was desperate about the fact that the German population didn’t want to realize the "enormity" of the crimes for which these people had been sentenced.

      In the first five years of the German Federal Republic there was a broad consensus among all parties on how the Nazi past was to be handled. The threateningly uttered demand was to "finally put a final stroke (Schlussstrich)" under these matters. This political environment also benefited rural worker Karl Jäger (Wette, Jäger, pp. 157-163).

      Jäger’s arrest and interrogation in 1959

      After the Ulm Einsatzgruppen trial had shaken the West German public and judicial system out of their complacency, the aforementioned Central Office of the Federal States' Judicial Administrations for Investigation of National Socialist Crimes in Ludwigsburg started working on 1 December 1958. It's task was to investigate Nazi crimes so far unknown or not judicially prosecuted and prepare trials of NS perpetrators with its preliminary investigations.

      The first preliminary investigation procedure was aimed at the suspect Karl Jäger, whose name had come up during the Ulm Einsatzgruppen trial. Jäger's whereabouts were finally established in April 1959 by a special commission from Ludwigsburg. In Waldkirch a detective from the special commission managed to find out by mere chance that Karl Jäger was still alive and living in Heidelberg. Investigations in Heidelberg established that Karl Jäger had since 1 August 1951 been registered in Kümmelbacherhof, Schlierbacher Landstrasse 214.

      Jäger was arrested on 10 April 1959 and taken into investigative custody on suspicion of murder at the Heidelberg district court, where he was first interrogated by officials of the Baden-Württemberg federal state’s Office of Criminal Investigation (Landeskriminalamt). In these interrogations he didn’t deny that between 1941 and 1943 he had been an SS-Standartenführer, commander of Einsatzkommando 3 and Commander of Security Police and Security Service (KdS) for the Lithuania General District. Yet he denied having had anything to do with the shootings of Lithuanian Jews. There had been executions, for sure, but the orders for these had come "from above". He said that he had had to obey "because there was a war going on", but at the same time denied having issued any instructions himself. (Wette, Jäger, pp. 165, citing Jäger’s deposition on 10.4.1959, in: Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen Ludwigsburg, 5 AR-Z 14/1958. Beschuldigter: Jäger, Karl, Bd. I, Bl. 235-241). Two months later the Central Office in Ludwigsburg, why by then had taken over the investigations, had Jäger transferred to central hospital on the Hohenasperg, Jäger was detained there in a two-man cell and in the last week before his death on 22 June 1959 in a one-man cell. He was interrogated by an official of the Baden-Württemberg State Office of Criminal Investigation, chief inspector Aedtner. On four days Jäger was interrogated for 23 hours; the interrogation records, 29 pages long and signed by Jäger, can be read on the THHP site starting here.

      While he could not deny the murder of the Jews in Lithuania, Jäger claimed that he had not wanted them and they had caused him much suffering. He tried to make believe that the massacres and liquidations had not been carried out by him but by others, especially Hamann and the Lithuanian Lieutenant Bronius Norkus. The murder operations had happened without any orders of his and all he had done was sit in his office, receive the reports with numbers of those executed and transmit them to Einsatzgruppe A in Riga. Jäger’s key exculpatory claims on pages 10 and 11 of the interrogation record translate as follows:
      When I arrived in Kauen (Kaunas) the shootings of Jews were already under way, i.e. Jews had already been shot and were being shot. These shootings were supposed to have been carried out by the Lithuanian auxiliary police. Who told me so I don't know; I hardly think that I received a service report about this from Hamann or Wolf. On whose instructions these shootings were carried out is not known to me. Neither can I say whether Ehrlinger or Wolf with their people took an active part. Tolerate it they certainly did, for otherwise the shootings by the Lithuanians would not have continued. I myself also didn't interdict these shootings, because through Heydrich's address on occasion of the meeting in Berlin it had been established that the Jews in the East must be shot. Besides this address by Heydrich I had until then received no more detailed oral or written order from the RSHA or from another entity.
      I saw this statement of Heydrich's as a binding order that upon taking up my activity in the East the Jews were to be shot. Therefore I did nothing against these shootings. Inside however I rejected them and considered it cruel and terrible that people were being killed or were to be killed only because of their faith and their race. I wish to point out, however, that I never issued an order to any member of my office to shoot a certain number of Jews or to shoot Jews at all. I also didn’t have to do this, because things happened all by themselves.
      How many Jews had already been shot until my arrival or during the first days I cannot say, but there may have been several thousand. As I remember these shootings were carried out in the old Forts 7 and 9 in Kauen. Whether at the time of my arrival or shortly thereafter Jews were also shot in Wilna, I no longer know. I consider it quite possible, however.
      When I arrived at Kauen there was a Lithuanian police there authorized by the Germans. The commander of the security police was the Lithuanian Cenkus. Furthermore there was a so-called shooting detachment, about 50 to 100 Lithuanians strong, under the Lithuanian lieutenant Norkus.
      Norkus and his detachment were later subordinated to Hamann and carried out the shootings of Jews together with him. Hamann acted in complete independence. I never gave him shooting orders. I only received reports about the number of those shot from case to case. These were then reported via Stahlecker to the RSHA in the Action Reports (Ereignismeldungen) together with other situation reports that bore my signature. The Action Reports were put together from the various sections' individual reports by my office - "topkick" Porst – and submitted to me for signature.

      These exculpatory claims stand in stark contrast with Jäger’s statements in his report dated 1 December 1941, which was not known to Jäger’s interrogators in 1959. On the very first page Jäger mentioned executions "carried out by Lithuanian partisans on my instructions and under my command". On page 7 he proudly reported that "the goal of solving the Jewish problem for Lithuania has been achieved by Einsatzkommando 3. In Lithuania, there are no more Jews, other than the Work Jews, including their families" - who Jäger regretted not having been able to kill because of "acrimonious challenges" from the civil administration and the army, who wanted to keep a number of Jews alive as laborers. Regarding Hamann he pointed out that the same had "completely and entirely adopted my goals and understood the importance of ensuring the co-operation of the Lithuanian partisans and the competent civilian positions".

      Jäger’s suicide

      After blatantly lying about his involvement in the killings and trying to shift the blame onto others during the interrogations, Karl Jäger took his life in the night from 21 to 22 June 1959, by hanging himself in his cell with an electric cable. Before he had written farewell letters to the family of his son-in-law Sepp Fackler and to his interrogator Aedtner, in which he claimed that he had committed no crimes and heaped no guilt on himself, furthermore lamenting the "terrible fate" he had met (Wette, Jäger, p. 168). Below is a copy of Jäger’s farewell letter to Aedtner, which is shown on page 170 of Wette’s biography.

      The text in German reads as follows:
      An den Vernehmungsbeamten Herrn Aedtner!

      Ich scheide aus diesem Dasein, weil ich dieses Leben nicht mehr ertragen kann. Nehmen Sie es bitte nicht als Feigheit oder Angst vor dem Kommenden. Ich habe seit 15 Jahren mit den Verhältnissen + Geschehnissen in Litauen längst mein damaliges Leben abgeschlossen – kein Gedächtnis und mein Erinnerungsvermögen hat mich vollständig verlassen, ich kann die Auskunft die Sie von mir verlangen, nicht mehr geben.
      Ich weiss und es ist mir bewusst, dass die Mitangeklagten nun alle Schuld auf mich abladen werden. Ich verzeihe ihnen.

      Ich betone und sage erneut aus, dass ich diese Judenerschiessungen niemals gebilligt habe und dass ich gegen mein Innerstes im Kriege auf diesen Posten gestellt worden bin. Ich habe niemals Judenerschiessungen befohlen, ich habe niemals einen Exekutionsbefehl gegeben, so wahr mir Gott helfe! Ich habe kein Verbrechen begangen und habe keine Schuld auf mich geladen. Ihnen Herrn Aedtner und Herrn [unleserlich] danke ich für die vorbildlich menschliche Vernehmung und für all das Gute, das Sie mir persönlich getan haben. Karl Jäger

      Darf ich Sie bitten an folgende Adressen das Geschehene mitzuteilen:
      Familie Sepp Fackler in Baden-Baden, [Anschrift unleserlich]
      "          Otto Wild in Freiburg im Breisgau Wallstrasse 9
      Frau von Althen in Kümmelbacherhof – Post Neckargemünd.
      Die bereits erhaltenen Briefe wolle man auch an die [unleserlich] Adresse nach Baden-Baden senden!

      My translation:

      To the interrogating official Mr. Aedtner!

      I depart from this existence, because I can no longer bear this life. Please don’t take it to be cowardice of fear of what is coming. Since 15 years I have long put behind me the circumstances and occurrences in Lithuania and my life back them – no memory and my capacity to remember has completely left me, I can no longer provide the information that you demand of me.
      I know and am conscious that the co-defendants will now put all blame on me. I pardon them.

      I emphasize and again state that I never condoned the shootings of the Jews and that I had been placed in this position during the war against my inner self. I never ordered shootings of Jews, I never gave an execution order, so God help me! I committed no crime and heaped no guilt onto me. You, Mr. Aedtner, and Mr. [unreadable] I thank for the exemplarily humane interrogation and for all the good you did for me personally. Karl Jäger

      May I ask to communicate what happened to the following addresses:
      Family Sepp Fackler in Baden-Baden, [address unreadable]
      "         Otto Wild in Freiburg im Breisgau, Wallstrasse 9
      Mrs. von Althen in Kümmelbacherhof – Post Neckargemünd.
      The letters already received should also be send to the [unreadable] address in Baden-Baden!

      Photographic Proof of Kerch Mass Graves, December 31st, 1941

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      On December 31st, 1941, Soviet troops temporarily liberated Kerch and excavated mass graves filled with Jewish victims of the Nazis. These were photographed by photo-journalists who included Dmitrii Baltermants, whose photos were published in Ogonyok on March 2nd, 1942. David Shneer gives an account of the photographs here and provenance is also discussed in this article and also here. Yad Vashem has photos here. Finally, the excavation was witnessed by Jewish-Russian poet Ilya Selvinsky, who recorded it in his diary and in the poem "I Saw It!", which was published in a Soviet newspaper on January 23rd, 1942; extracts from both sources are translated and discussed by Maxim D. Shrayer here. These sources deserve wider exposure and attention.

      NOTE: Jason Myers kindly reminds me that the commander recorded the massacre thus: "Die Umsiedlung der Juden, etwa 2500 an der Zahl, wurde am 1., 2. and 3. Dezember vollzogen. Mit nachtraeglichen Exekutierungen ist zu rechnen, da ein Teil der judischen Bevoelkerung fluechtete, sich versteckt haelt und erst aufgegriffen werden muss." [Dok. 126 in this collection]. Umsiedlung replaced a crossed-out word, which may be Liquidierung or Exekutierung; see footnotes 5 and 6 in the link.

      "Pregnant Women will be Put to Death": Policies on Childbirth

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      I am grateful to Kent Ford for transcribing ghetto diaries that show the policy of the Nazis towards pregnancy. The following text is largely in his own words and was originally posted in a RODOH thread that disappeared when the forum closed.

      In Kovno ghetto, on 24 July 1942, around the time of Great Deportation from Warsaw, Avraham Tory noted the following: 
      The Gestapo issued an order: pregnancy in the Ghetto is forbidden. Every pregnancy must be terminated. An eighth- or ninth-month pregnancy may be completed. From September on, giving birth is strictly forbidden. Pregnant women will be put to death.
      Five days later Tory noted a circular from the Jewish Council informing physicians and midwives of their responsibilities under the Gestapo order. On 7 August, Tory wrote that SS Sergeant "Rauca, accompanied by Garfunkel, toured the institutions of The Ghetto. During the tour he noticed a pregnant woman, in her seventh month. Rauca said: 'This embryo must perish. If not, it will be taken away from its mother right after birth." The Council, on 8 September, "issued an announcement about the ban on pregnancies in the Ghetto. From now on, the Germans declare that any pregnant woman will be killed on the spot."


      In early January 1943, Council members were questioned by Keiffler, deputy governor of Kovno city, about ghetto statistics, including "how many births? . . . We answered that ever since last September there have been no births in the Ghetto. That was news to him."

      Council members explained that "'The Gestapo had strictly forbidden women in the Ghetto to give birth, and so they all had to terminate pregnancies.' . . . When the word 'Gestapo' is uttered the great Keiffler refrains from asking questions. . . . It appears that even a figure like Keiffler does not dare to show any interest in the Gestapo's activities." In July 1943 Tory cited the death penalty for giving birth as one factor in the ghetto's declining population.

      In contrast, in the Reich, Himmler promoted large families and a high birth rate for German women with slogans like "the battle for births of good blood." He even argued that large families for Germans were a public duty and not a matter for individual choice.

      Of course, the prohibition of births amongst temporarily maintained work Jews only confirms what was in store for them in the end. The Nazis at Kovno could have allowed births and killed off the young ones at the end with their parents. But it would have been doubly wasteful: the kids would have had to be fed and the parents would have had to expend effort and energy for child-rearing, one of the fundamental points of biology being parental investment. And, wanting effort and energy of temporarily surviving Jews to go for the war effort, the Nazis didn't want to have the "distraction" of kids in the ghetto at Kovno. Thus the Kovno nazis "got rid" of the kids ahead of time, first killing off 150+ who were kept together at the hospital in fall 1941 and then preventing new "pretexts for parental" effort from coming into being.

      The Shavli connection: From the Diary of E. Yerushalmi, Shavli Ghetto:

      July 4, 1942
      ". . . Dr. Charny drew the attention of the Jewish delegation to the Order concerning births. The Order was first issued on March 5, 1942. The latest date for authorized births was August 5, 1942. He would extend the date to August 15, 1942. In the event of a birth taking place in a Jewish family after this date the whole Jewish family would be "removed" and the responsibility would rest with the Jewish delegates . . ."

      July 13, 1942
      "Re: Security Police Order
      In accordance with the Order of the Security Police, births are permitted in the ghetto only up to August 15, 1942. After this date it is forbidden to give birth to Jewish children either in the hospitals or in the homes of the pregnant women. It is pointed out, at the same time, that it is permitted to interrupt pregnancies by means of abortions. A great responsibility rests on the pregnant women. If they do not comply with this order, there is a danger that they will be executed, together with their families. The delegates are making this matter widely known. In warning the women of the possible consequences, they believe that the women concerned will remember it well . . . and will take the necessary measures during the registration of pregnant women which will take place during the next few days, and subsequently.
      Protocol of the meeting of the Shavli Judenrat on March 24, 1943

      Those present: M. Lejbowicz, B. Karton, A. Heller and A. Katz of the Delegation; the doctors: Burstein, Blecher, Goldberg, Dyrektorowicz, L. Pesachowicz and others. The Agenda: How should births be prevented in the ghetto? M. Lejbowicz: We will go back to the question of the births. The ban on giving birth to children which has been imposed on the Jews applies with the utmost severity to all the ghettos. There was a birth recently in Kovno and all members of the family were shot and killed. But no attention is being paid to this and people are behaving most irresponsibly here. There are already several cases of pregnancy and no measures have been taken against them. Dr. Blecher asks: Can the pregnant women be forced to have abortions performed? Are there statistics on the women who are pregnant? Dr. L. reports: We have had three births since August 15 of last year; he did not know how they took place because he did not treat the cases. At the present time there are about 20 pregnant women in the ghetto, most of them in the first few months, but some who are already in the fourth or fifth month and one even in the eighth month. Only two of the pregnant women refuse to have an abortion; for one of them this would be the third abortion and she is threatened by the danger of subsequent childlessness, and the other is the one who has reached the eighth month. Dr. P.: They must be persuaded to agree to have an abortion. They must be told what happened in Kovno and Riga. If necessary one must make use of a white lie in this emergency and tell them that the Security Police is already looking for these cases. Dr. Burstein proposes that the whole medical team, including the midwives, should be forbidden to attend to births. Dr. Bl. proposes that all cases of pregnancy should be registered and the pregnant women persuaded to have abortions. M.L.: We must not make propaganda against births in public! The matter could reach ears that should not hear it. We must discuss the matter only with those concerned. He proposes that the pregnant women be summoned to the clinic, that they be warned in the presence of the doctor and a representative of the Delegation, and the full danger that awaits them be explained. Dr. L.: How can one perform an abortion on a woman who has already reached the eighth month of her pregnancy? Surely we must understand the feelings of the mother. It will surely be impossible to convince her. And what will happen to the infant if we cause a premature birth? We cannot carry out an operation like that in a private home, and it is forbidden to leave the child at the hospital. And what will happen if despite everything the child is born alive? Shall we kill it? I cannot accept such a responsibility on my conscience. Dr. Bl. adds that the position is really very difficult in a case like this for no doctor will take upon himself the responsibility of killing a live child, for that would be murder. Dr. P. asks: Perhaps we should let the child be born and give it to a Christian? M.L.: We cannot allow the child to be born because we are required to report every case of a birth. We have been asked three times whether there were any births and each time we answered in the negative. B.K.: What can we do when the ghetto is in such danger? If the danger were only to the family of the infant we could leave the matter to the responsibility of the person concerned, but it endangers the whole ghetto. The consequences are liable to be most terrible. . . ."
      Similar activities can be found in memoirs concerning Auschwitz. The following is taken from the Museum's Facebook site and cites the "Memoirs of former prisoner Margita Schwalbova, a Jewish physician from Slovakia employed in the camp hospital (so-called Revier), on the story of pregnant women and children born in Auschwitz. Schwalbova was deported to Auschwitz on March 28, 1942 in a mass transport from Bratislava and given number 2675":
      Children were born in Birkenau from the earliest days of that camp. They were not in fact born until the fall of 1942, because every woman found to be pregnant was killed by phenol injection, or Dr. Bodmann terminated the pregnancy in such a way that every mother died from blood infection.
      After our transfer to the camp in Birkenau children began to be born, but as a rule mother and child were sent to the gas chamber after birth, regardless of whether they were Aryans or Jews. Auschwitz was a death camp, not a life camp, and there was no need for young progeny.

      At the end of 1942, the SS doctor at the time, Dr. Helmut Vetter, sent a letter to Berlin inquiring whether newborn infants could be placed in German nursery schools (in other words to be Germanized) while the mothers remained in the camp. No reply came for a long time, and when it did come, it was negative.
      Non-Jewish newborn infants who began coming into the world at a later period were left alive. It even looked as if these new regulations applied to all women. But this was not true. After a few weeks, the SS men suddenly rounded up the infants and their mothers and gassed them.
      To the degree that the pregnant women confided in us in the first months of pregnancy, we women gynecologists-prisoners-terminated them in the hospital during that time. Please not that not a single woman died from this procedure. Naturally, it was done in secret, and we admitted the women to the hospital on the basis of other diagnoses.
       
      If the Nazis were willing to do these things to pregnant women and newborns, the threshold of genocide had clearly been crossed.

      Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka. Holocaust Denial and Operation Reinhard. A Critique of the Falsehoods of Mattogno, Graf and Kues.

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      Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka

      Holocaust Denial and Operation Reinhard

      A Critique of the Falsehoods of Mattogno, Graf and Kues

      A Holocaust Controversies White Paper, First Edition, December 2011

      © 2011 Jonathan Harrison, Roberto Muehlenkamp, Jason Myers, Sergey Romanov, Nicholas Terry


      NOTE: the definitive version of this Critique is in the PDF format. It can be downloaded from the following sources:
      The blog version should be considered as an earlier version.





      This work may be freely distributed electronically as a PDF or reproduced on websites, but rights of authorship are reserved; please credit this to ‘Holocaust Controversies’. Reproduction for commercial purposes is prohibited.

      Dedicated to Harry Mazal (1937-2011)

      Table of Contents
      Chapter 1: The Hoax That Dare Not Speak Its Name
      Chapter 2: Nazi Policy
      Chapter 3: Aktion Reinhard and the Holocaust in Poland
      Chapter 4: So Where Did They Go? “Resettlement” to the East
      Chapter 5: Gas Chambers at the Aktion Reinhard Camps
      Chapter 6: Death Camp Witnesses
      Chapter 7: Mass Graves
      Chapter 8: Burning of the Corpses
      Conclusion

      Afterword: A Special Note by Jason Myers

      Our Demolition of MGK: One Year On

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      By HC Guest Blogger

      In December 2011, this blog published a lengthy critique of three books authored by the sole remaining semi-serious researchers on the Holocaust denial scene, Carlo Mattogno, Jürgen Graf and Thomas Kues. The project evolved from a failed attempt in July 2009 to organise a formal debate on the Aktion Reinhard camps of Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka at the old RODOH forum.[1] As we noted at the time, and observed in the critique, the denier scene had become more and more obsessed with Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka this side of the millennium, and so the Reinhard camps seemed to be a suitable subject for a proper debate along the lines of the RODOH 'Scholars’ Debate' on Auschwitz in 2004.[2]. The failure of ‘revisionists’ to muster a debate team wasn’t entirely unexpected, given the reluctance that deniers have to ever allow themselves to be pinned down and actually defend an argument properly. So we decided instead to scrutinise the arguments of what we thought were the organ-grinders, instead of cleaning up the poo flung by monkeys on the internet. 

      Our motives for doing so were not because we felt that MGK’s work in their ‘trilogy’ on Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka represented a serious threat or challenge to the conventional understanding of the Holocaust. Indeed, over the course of the project, we felt that Holocaust denial had slipped down another notch towards complete irrelevance, as despite the ready availability of negationist material on the internet, the denier scene did not seem to be growing in a meaningful or significant fashion, while a new generation of ‘revisionist’ researchers failed to emerge.[3]In the time we spent working on the project, it became clear that deniers were failing utterly to convince others of the validity of their ideas when proselytising on the internet, as seen time and again at the James Randi Education Foundation forum (among many other venues on the web).  One of the original reasons for the establishment of the Holocaust Controversies blog was to provide rebuttals and counters to arguments advanced on the internet by deniers, and while we undoubtedly have helped provide ammunition to others for that purpose, the antics and tactics of intenet deniers had become entirely self-refuting and self-discrediting.[4]It also became less and less necessary to refute MGK’s work, because it was simply not being widely read or cited by internet deniers, who have largely preferred to spam video links and repeat hoary old cliches from the 1980s and 1990s instead. Although denier literature has long functioned more as a talisman than a repository of actual ideas, this kind of superficial engagement with their own literature has become near-universal among internet deniers, as a scan of CODOH forum reveals. In this regard, Holocaust denial is little different to any other fringe belief, conspiracy theory or form of pseudoscience that has been presented on the internet in the age of Web 2.0. The 9/11 Truth Movement, for example, has produced a series of books authored by its ‘gurus’, along with a slew of websites and YouTube videos, yet discussion of David Ray Griffin’s work is thin to nonexistent on the internet. If even aficionados cannot summarise and debate the arguments of crank gurus coherently, then it’s little surprise that the rest of the world ignores those gurus.

      We therefore undertook our critique of MGK’s work in the same spirit as Ryan Mackey approached his critique of David Ray Griffin’s Debunking 9/11 Debunking[5], namely to dissect the fallacious reasoning and methods used by fringe pseudoscholars as an exercise in its own right, and to simultaneously provide a handy resource for interested readers to learn something more about the history of the Holocaust and the Aktion Reinhard camps of Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka. Like Mackey, we have often referred to our critique as a white paper – for that is what it is, a work put out relatively informally for discussion in electronic format as a PDF. Judged against the goals we set ourselves, the critique has succeeded better than we originally expected. Downloads, accesses, views and hits across the various websites where it is hosted have been strong, and continue to tick upwards, since the white paper evidently googles fairly well. 

      Feedback from readers and colleagues has been very positive. We also know the critique has found use on university courses, and will be cited in forthcoming German publications. Based on this feedback, our critique is evidently valued for its summary of information regarding the Reinhard camps and the Holocaust, and that is something we intend to bear in mind as we contemplate revising the white paper for a second edition. 

      Unlike Ryan Mackey, who never received a peep in reply from David Ray Griffin to his criticisms of Griffin’s fallacious reasoning, the authors of the critique have known since this January that the targets of the critique intended to respond. Jürgen Graf emailed us on January 4, 2012 to confirm this, and then started issuing ever more pompously phrased ‘communiques’ to announce successive delays to their response. In March of this year, MGK declared that they would respond with the “steam roller method”, addressing “all major arguments”.[6] After announcing a delay in August to “late autumn” due to issues with translating Mattogno’s contributions and reviewing news of further archaeological investigations at Sobibor[7], MGK have now declared that their response is “complete”, barring a single chapter left to be translated, and this  will supposedly appear in January, at a length of 800 pages.[8]

      This news caused us to fall off our chairs laughing when we realised that our targets had gone to such lengths. Our critique ran to 571 A4 pages in order to tackle three books that together total 942 pages in book form, amounting to 350,000 words versus our 250,000 words. While we wrote a lot and covered a lot of ground, we consciously aimed to undershoot their combined wordcount, and succeeded in this. For MGK to write 800 pages in response is a defeat in itself, not least because it confirms our claim that no conventional publisher would ever touch their material unless it was properly edited down. As we demonstrated repeatedly in the critique, Mattogno’s contributions to the ‘trilogy’ on Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka frequently recycled articles and chapters drafted for his earlier works, sometimes dating back as far as the mid-1980s. This cut-and-paste writing style is a hallmark of his entire oeuvre; Mattogno has a strong tendency to repeat himself. If the 800 pages in response to us turn out to consist of a string of cut-and-pasted excerpts from other articles and books, then that will be a virtually automatic fail for them. Similarly, if we find that the 800 pages are little more than a fisking of quoted excerpts from our critique, we will be equally unimpressed. If it turns out that we have provoked them into finally engaging with material they should have included in the original books, then MGK will also have failed, because our basic argument regarding their work was that it failed to meet accepted scholarly standards and inadequately addressed both the primary sources as well as secondary literature relevant to the subject of the Reinhard camps. Shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted will simply confirm our view that their work hitherto has been irrelevant drivel.

      Just as amusing to us has been the fist-shaking that has accompanied MGK’s communiques. In March, they informed us that “after the publication of our reply we will not have the slightest obligation to pay any further attention to anything MM. Harrison, Mühlenkamp, Myers, Romanov and Terry might publish in the future.”[9]In August, they claimed that the delay meant we would “have to wait until late autumn before experiencing the pleasure of being utterly humiliated and unmasked for what they are.”[10]
       
      These statements are extremely curious, because they betray a fundamental lack of understanding of what is at stake here. For starters, the revisionist predilection for unwarranted victory-dances makes it somewhat unlikely that we would indeed feel “humiliated”, as time and again denier claims have shown only the most tenuous grasp on reality. This would, by the way, include MGK endorsing the psychotic drivel of Carmelo Lisciotto that now besmirches the once respected amateur history website deathcamps.org. Unfortunately, Carlo Mattogno has already done just that in his latest screed Schiffbruch[11], which makes us wonder whether he really comprehends what is actually going on. It’s rather simple: you guys put out your work, other people have the right to criticise it, who they are is actually irrelevant. The same goes for access: you guys have the right to put out your crap through whatever website you like, and people can find it via google just the same as other people can find our stuff.  

      The authors of the critique could care less whether MGK respond to whatever might be written in the future individually, collaboratively or collectively by the five contributors, since they have manifestly ignored so much of what was written by us before, and because they have time and again demonstrated a woeful grasp of the conventional historiography of the Holocaust. This is not, and never has been, a proper dialogue. If it were, then MGK would have submitted themselves to proper peer review and tried to publish their work in conventional outlets, whereupon a scholarly audience might have felt obliged to engage with their ideas to a greater extent. But they have avoided this obvious route, and thus their work is put out via the extreme-right, antisemitic and conspiracist Barnes Review, a small press with a corresponding lack of intellectual credibility. It may have escaped MGK’s notice, but the white paper, and the preceding HC blog posts criticising them, are essentially the onlyresponse their work on the Reinhard camps has had from anyone in the mainstream, indeed we have given them what is unequivocally the major response to any of their work. From every other quarter, the reaction to the ‘trilogy’ has been a deafening silence. 

      In one sense, all we have done is inform MGK of the inevitable reaction their work would receive if it was reviewed by academics, especially historians, and not just historians of the Holocaust. To our knowledge, all three of MGK have masters’ degrees in languages and literature, perhaps with minors in other subjects. None of them seem even vaguely familiar with the academic world as it actually exists, yet the three revisionist gurus have spent up to 27 years supposedly addressing academic historians, and lately also archaeologists, in an attempt to be be taken seriously by them, without reaping any serious response. Insanity, as they say, is doing the same thing over and over, and expecting a different result. 

      Three of the critique contributors currently work in academia, the others are interested amateurs; we have been trained in history, sociology and the law among other subjects. Three out of five contributors are Anglo-Americans, and thus intimately familiar with the intellectual and academic culture of what is surely the biggest market for MGK’s work. Our verdict that MGK’s work is shoddy pseudoscholarship rests not only on our familiarity with academic research into the Third Reich and Holocaust but also on our disciplinary training and knowledge of comparable fields in modern history and other subjects. Not one historian, no matter what their specialism, in a research university whether in Britain, America or anywhere else in the world would regard MGK’s work as satisfactory scholarship or be convinced by their arguments. 

      This has nothing to do with political correctness or censorship, but everything to do with some bottom-line issues that MGK might try to remember when putting the finishing touches to their response. The first is presentational: we really hate to say it, but your books and articles simply look like the works of amateur cranks. In the critique, we chided you for the excessive use of verbatim quotations, something which is quite seriously frowned on in academia, not least because fair use limits the length of citations from secondary works, and because the full or excerpted reproduction of sources is traditionally done in appendices or document collections. This is because there are word limits out there in the real world imposed by journals and publishers. Stringing together verbatim quotes of excessive length is the kind of thing shocked out of first year undergraduates by any self-respecting university teacher through awarding a below-par mark. If you have cured yourself of this irritating quirk, then all the better, but it doesn’t, unfortunately, stop there. Perhaps one of MGK should take down a history book written by an Anglo-American author off their shelves – we are sure you must own at least one – and report back to the others whether British or American historians, indeed British or American academic writers in any of the humanities or social sciences, sub-section their books and articles to death as you do. Guess what? They don’t. Even those used to German academic prose find your 7.3.3.1 micro-sectioning to be an abomination, and to seriously break up the coherence of an argument. We understand that you believe this makes your work look scientific, but all it does is stamp ‘pseudoscience’ over your prose in the eyes of Brits and Americans.  

      The second issue is much more substantive, and concerns the balance between ‘negationist’ and ‘affirmationist’ revisionism. The simple fact is that Holocaust denial will never be taken seriously until it ponies up hard evidence and substantiates its claims, either proving an alternative explanation (like ‘resettlement’) or proving the claims of fabrication advanced by revisionists. As long as neither ‘resettlement’ nor the ‘hoax’ are proven, then all the nitpicking and fussing over the evidence for Nazi extermination will remain fundamentally irrelevant, since pure negationism will never, ever convince a wider audience than the boutique readership you currently have. Attacking an opposing view while failing to substantiate your own claims sticks out like a sore thumb to the overwhelming majority of intelligent readers, not least because of the blatant evidentiary double standards on display, as well as its fallaciousness.

      Only two things might genuinely revise the historical record, namely proof of survival or proof of fabrication/manipulation of the evidence for mass murder. Neither redefining standards of evidence or claiming technical impossibility actually provide even a glimmer of an answer to a series of obvious questions. If the Jews were not killed, what happened to them? However vague and nonsensical, attempts to prove survival or prove the ‘resettlement thesis’ at least purport to answer this question. Declarations of physical impossibility, by contrast, do not, any more than the goalpost-moving routine of unilaterally rewriting the conventional rules of evidence to suit negationists would provide an answer. The question “what happened to the Jews of Europe during the Second World War?” cannot be answered with the reply “there were no gas chambers”. Such a mantra is both semantically and logically insufficient as a response. The lack of a coherent, thoroughly proven answer to the question “what happened then?” isthe main reason why revisionism remains utterly marginalised in both academia and the public sphere. The pure-negationist strategies, moreover, also fail to explain how the evidence for mass murder and extermination came into being. If there were no gas chambers, who came up with the idea, at what time and why? And where is the proof for all of this?

      Thirdly, the sad reality – for MGK –  is that we have become thoroughly bored with denialist tactics in this day and age. However much they might reject the comparisons, negationist tactics have been so thoroughly abused by creationists, 9/11 Truthers, Birthers, Moon Hoaxers, JFK assassination conspiracy theorists and all manner of other assorted lunatics in the age of Web 2.0 that revisionists damn themselves by association and analogy whenever they resort to them. Many find negationist nitpicking and fussing over mass graves and the like to be tedious and ghoulish. Most can see through the obfuscation and deliberate dragging out of the argument, since it is now well established that it is child’s play for a crank to refuse to be convinced, shift burden of proof, argue from ignorance or dwell on irrelevant minutiae. The negationist strategy of picking apart individual pieces of evidence in splendid isolation from each other also fails to demonstrate that the convoluted interpretations hang together. It is also exceedingly weak and cumbersome, since there is nothing to stop everyone else combining sources into an explanation or narrative, as is quite obviously the norm in how history is practiced and written. 

      Should MGK wish to persist with negationism, then they will have to do a lot more to justify this approach. Indeed, a common reaction to denier arguments is that if generalised across the whole of history, then much of the historical record would disappear in a puff of smoke. While negationism has an unspoken epistemology and methodology, it is a major flaw in the revisionist belief system that its gurus like MGK seem unable to relate this epistemology and methodology to accepted philosophical, theoretical or practical models, and have never coherently elaborated the ‘revisionist method’. Worse still, MGK like other deniers consistently refuse to test their epistemology and methodology on other historical events properly and systematically, and thus fail to establish that there is anything unusual, incorrect or invalid in how historians of the Holocaust have approached the evidence for Nazi genocide. This refusal to compare almost single-handedly destroys the validity of revisionist arguments. 

      When we began the critique project, we were of course fully aware of past ‘exchanges’ between deniers and their critics, such as occurred between Richard Green of the Holocaust History Project and Germar Rudolf.  It was never our intention to engage in tit-for-tat dialogue as a collective, although individual contributors may well respond to future MGK writings as they see fit. It is, however, our intention to release a revised 2nd edition in 2013, correcting various typos and glitches, and possibly adding an afterword. Thereafter, the critique team will disband once more. While we have all enjoyed our contributions to HC blog, several of us have quite simply, moved on, with others not involved in the drafting of the critique taking our place on the roster of HC blog contributors. We do not hold to the ‘last man standing’ theory of pseudo-debate seen on the internet in so many places. We are, in fact, quite sure that MGK will be churning out their screeds for years to come, and just as sure that such screeds will continue to have zero impact on serious scholarship. Some of us have done academic work on the history of Holocaust denial, and may continue to publish academically on that subject, while some will be publishing on the history of the Holocaust, and will be dealing with MGK only to the extent that they might be considered names in the history of the post-1945 phenomenon of negationism. We concur with MGK that after the publication of the revised edition of the critique, we will not have the slightest obligation as historians of the Holocaust to pay any further attention to anything Signore Mattogno, Herr Graf and Herr Kues might publish in the future.



      [1]http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.pt/2009/07/real-open-debate-on-aktion-reinhard.html
      [2]http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.co.uk/2009/07/real-open-debate-on-aktion-reinhard.html. The 'Scholars' Debate' is currently under reconstruction (http://holocaustcontroversies.blogspot.pt/2012/10/reconstructing-scholars-debate-about.html).
      [3] See the interview with one of the co-authors of the critique appearing as ‘Holocaust denial in decline, says historian’, The Jewish Chronicle, 7 October 2010, http://www.thejc.com/news/uk-news/39171/holocaust-denial-decline-says-historian
      [4]For an eloquent example of the frustration felt by non-deniers when listening to negationist claims, see the post by‘Horatius’ in the thread ‘Holocaust denial videos’, 19th August 2009, http://forums.randi.org/showpost.php?p=5021659&postcount=148
      [5] Ryan Mackey,  ‘On Debunking 9/11 Debunking’ at https://sites.google.com/site/911guide/ryanmackey
      [6]http://revblog.codoh.com/2012/03/communique-on-our-response-to-holocaust-denial-and-operation-reinhard/#more-1776
      [7]http://revblog.codoh.com/2012/08/second-communique/
      [8] http://revblog.codoh.com/2012/12/third-communique/
      [9] http://revblog.codoh.com/2012/03/communique-on-our-response-to-holocaust-denial-and-operation-reinhard/#more-1776
      [10]http://revblog.codoh.com/2012/08/second-communique/
      [11] Carlo Mattogno, Schiffbruch. Vom Untergang der Holocaust-Orthodoxie. Uckfield: Castle Hill Publishers, 2011, p.271.
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